</^4 



THE 



ROMANCE 



OP 



WESTEKN HISTORY: 

OR, 

Sferitftes at 3^ x h ¥tit> w& Itowurs, 
IN THE WEST. 



By JAMES v HALL, 

AUTHOR OF "LEGENDS OF THE WEST," "TALES OF THE BORDER," 

"THE WILDERNESS AND WAR PATH," 

"THE WEST," ETC. 

V 

■' 

CINCINNATI: 
APPLEGATE & COMPANY. 

1857. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1857, by 

JAMES HALL, 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the 

Southern District of Ohio. 



rA * 



CONTENTS. 



PAGE 

CHAP. I. — First Explorers — Discovery of the Mississippi — 
French Missionaries — La Salle's Voyages — Settlements on 
the Mississippi — Manners of the French Colonists — Kas- 
kaskia — Fort Chartres 23 

CHAP. II.— Founding of St. Louis— History of that Colony- 
Transfer to Spain — Attack by the Indians — Intercourse with 
New Orleans — A gallant exploit — Other French Settlements. 52 

CHAP. III. — Settlements on the Ohio — Early movements in 
Virginia — Views of Gov. Spotswood — Settlement of Pitts- 
burgh — Travels of Carver — Expedition of Dunmore 68 

CHAP. IV.— War of 1763— Peace of 1764— Settlements in West- 
ern Virginia — Early land titles — Value of land — War of 
1774 — Lewis's expedition — Dunmore's treaty — Heroism of 
Cornstalk — Character of General Lewis 75 

CHAP. V. — MTntosh's Expedition — Fort Laurens — Moravian 

towns — Destruction of the Moravians — Crawford's campaign. 88 

CHAP. VI. — Adventures of William Linn — A model pioneer. . 98 

CHAP. VII. — A frontier adventure — The first fight of a revolu- 
tionary hero 121 

CHAP. VIII. — Manners of the early settlers in Western Vir- 
ginia — Mode of emigration — Habits of living — Hunting — 
Weddings — Religion 126 

CHAP. IX. — Early discoveries in Kentucky — Its occupation by 
Indians — An anecdote of two of the pioneers — John Finley's 
visit — Those of M 'Bride, Dr. Walker, Boone, and others. . . 142 

CHAP. X.— Purchases from the Indians— Treaty of Fort Stan- 
wix — Treaty of Lochaber — Purchases by individuals — The 
Transylvania Company 153 

CHAP. XI. — A proprietary government established — First meet- 
ing of a Convention of Delegates — Their proceedings 171 

CHAP. XII. — Organization of Counties — Foreign Intrigues — 
Attempts to form a State Government — Difference of Opinion 
in reference to that Measure 188 

(3) 



IV CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

CHAP. XIII. — The Spanish and French Conspiracies — Troubles 
in relation to the Navigation of the Mississippi — The 
patriotic forbearance of the Pioneers 197 

CHAP. XIV— Burr's Conspiracy 217 

CHAP. XV. — Character of the Pioneers — Their Adventures — 
Anecdote of Muldrow — Of Boone — Device of the Indians — 
Romantic Adventure of two Females 226 

CHAP. XVI.— Character of the Pioneers— Their Mode of Liv- 
ing — Introduction of Steamboats — Its effect on the Manners 
of the People 237 

CHAP. XVII.— Character of the Pioneers— The Scotch-Irish.. . 245 

CHAP. XVIII.— Character of the Pioneers— Men of Education 
among them — The Kentuckians an enthusiastic, poetic, 
and eloquent people 253 

CHAP. XIX.— Early Literature— Imlay's Kentucky 257 

CHAP. XX.— Early Literature 266 

CHAP. XXI. — Foreign Influence over the Indians 285 

CHAP. XXII.— Clarke's Expedition against the French settle- 
ments — Capture of Kaskaskia — Capture of Vincennes — 
Founding of Louisville — Anecdote of Kenton 294 

CHAP. XXIII.— Bowman's Expedition— Clarke's in 1780— 

Battle of Blue Licks — Harmar's Expedition — Wilkinson's. . 306 

CHAP. XXIV.— The War Belt, a Legend of North Bend 316 

CHAP. XXV. — Causes of the failure of several of the Expedi- 
tions in the North-western Territory — St. Clair's Campaign. 329 

CHAP. XXVI. — Indian hating — Some of the sources of this 

animosity — Brief account of Colonel Moredock 339 

CHAP. XXVII.— Character of the Pioneers— Felons— The 

Harpes — Meason — Sturdevant — Lynch's Law 348 

CHAP. XXVIII.— The Patriot's Grave 357 

Appendix 367 



PREFACE 



It has not been the object of the writer to attempt a 
regular history of the Western States, or any connected 
description of the country or its institutions. The ma- 
terials for such a work are not in existence, in any 
available form; no complete collection of political or 
statistical facts, or scientific observations, has yet been 
made, from which it could be compiled. Ignorant and 
presumptuous travelers have published their own hasty 
and inaccurate conclusions; and careless writers have 
selected from these, such supposed facts as comported 
with their own theories or notions of probability; and 
we hesitate not to say, that the works which have pro- 
fessed to treat of the whole western region, have been 
far from satisfactory. 

Particular departments of this great subject have been 
well treated. A few of the early residents have published 
their reminiscences, which are highly interesting and 
valuable as evidences of the facts which occurred within 
the observation of the writers. It is to be regretted that 
so little attention has been bestowed upon the collection 
and preservation of these authentic narratives of early 
adventure. 

(5) 



6 PREFACE. 

The travels of Pike, Lewis and Clarke, and Long, 
are replete with valuable facts, carefully collected, and 
reported with scrupulous fidelity; and a mass of infor- 
mation may be found scattered through the reports of 
officers employed by the General Government in making 
surveys, and constructing public works. 

A few scientific gentlemen have written with ability 
on subjects connected with the general history of this 
region. Dr. Drake's admirable description of the valley 
of the Miami, entitled "A Picture of Cincinnati," is 
composed in the calm spirit of philosophical inquiry, and 
is worthy of entire confidence. The contributions of 
Colonel M'Kenney, Governor Cass, Mr. Schoolcraft, Mr. 
Brackenridge, Mr. M'Clung, the writer of Tanner's Nar- 
rative, and a number of other intelligent individuals, are 
replete with valuable and interesting matter. Marshall's 
History of Kentucky, also, is replete with interesting 
facts, from which we have extracted. In naming these 
writers, however, we design no disrespect towards others 
whose names are omitted, as our object is not to attempt 
to give a complete list of authorities, but to suggest the 
names of a few of the most prominent. 

Of the compilations from these and other authorities, 
the statistics embraced in Darby's "Views of the United 
States," Tanner's " Guide to Emigrants," and the re- 
cently published work of Mr. Pitkin, are those which 
may be most safely relied upon. 

When the materials shall be accumulated — when the 
loose facts and scattered reminiscences which are now 



PREFACE. 7 

floating along the stream of tradition — shall be gathered 
together, then may such a work be prepared as will be 
creditable to our country; and then will the pioneers, 
the warriors, and the patriots of the West, take the 
proud station which they deserve among the illustrious 
founders of the American republic. In the meanwhile, 
we can only aim at presenting to the public such frag- 
ments of history as may be rescued from oblivion by 
individuals, and such observations as the few who are 
curious in collecting the statistics of their own times, 
may have been able to accumulate. 

In the following volumes, therefore, nothing further is 
attempted than a collection of facts, some of which are 
the result of the writer's own observation, and all of 
which are intended rather as examples and illustrations 
of topics connected with the Western States, than as a 
regular narrative of its history. They are not presented 
in any connected series, nor with any embellishment of 
style, but are placed before the reader under the most 
unambitious form consistent with convenience of arrange- 
ment and propriety of expression. This is not said to 
disarm criticism — an author has no right to interpose 
himself between the critic and his duty, either to secure 
his clemency or resent his decision — we intend simply 
to explain to the reader the unpretending character of 
the work, in order that its title may not awaken expec- 
tions which it is not calculated to satisfy. 

Nor is the matter contained in this volume presented 
now to the reader for the first time. It has no claim to 



8 PREFACE. 

originality, but is properly a compilation. During a 
long residence in the West, the author has, from time 
to time, employed his pen in the discussion of various 
subjects relating to this region, and he has now done 
little more than to collect together the fragments, which 
were scattered through the pages of periodical and other 
publications. It was due to himself thus to identify 
and resume his property — the more especially as these 
writings have been freely used by a number of compilers, 
some of whom were not careful to acknowledge the 
debt, while others have misunderstood or perverted the 
author's meaning. 

In addition to the papers thus re-published, there will, 
however, be found some facts which are now laid before 
the public for the first time, and some valuable docu- 
ments have been thrown into an appendix. The latter 
are not specially referred to by marginal notes, as the 
attentive reader will readily trace their connection with 
the text. 

In another series, now in preparation, a collection of 
facts of more recent date will be laid before the public. 



INTRODUCTION. 



But few of the writers who have treated of the Western 
country, rank above mediocrity; and little of all that has 
been written on this subject is interesting or true. Books 
we have had in abundance ; travels, gazetteers, and geogra- 
phies inundate the land; but few of thein are distinguished 
by literary merit or accurate information. Perhaps a 
reason for this is to be found in the character of the 
country. The subjects of interest, in a land which has 
long been inhabited by a civilized people, are such as are 
familiar to the student, and, in traveling through such a 
region, he treads on classic ground with a knowledge of 
all the localities. He knows the points of attraction, 
and, having reached them, is learned in their history. 
If in Italy, he hastens to Borne; if in the Mediterranean, 
to Naples, Vesuvius, and the ruins of Carthage ; if in 
Greece, to Athens; if in Palestine, to the Holy Sepulcher. 
Whether in Europe or in Asia, he finds, at every step, 
some object to awaken classic recollections, and expatiates 
on a field already familiar to his imagination. In col- 
lecting information, he but fills an outline previously 
sketched out in he seclusion of his closet; and the de- 

(9) 



10 INTRODUCTION. 

sign itself is but a copy; for such narratives exhibit, in 
general, the same pictures, colored by different hands — 
each correcting the faults, and improving on the failures, 
of the other. The accomplished writer, in short, who 
treats of the countries to which we have alluded, must be 
familiar with their history, their antiquities, their arts, 
their literature, their every thing which has been open 
to the observation of the hundreds and thousands who 
have preceded him; and, if not altogether devoid of 
genius, he can not fail to throw some new light upon 
subjects, which, however hacknied, are always interesting, 
and to which every day brings some change, as each year 
gives moss to the rock and ivy to the ruin. 

All this is different in the west. The traveller, who 
launches his bark upon the silver wave of the Ohio, 
leaves behind him every object which has been conse- 
crated by the pen of genius. He beholds the beauties of 
nature in rich luxuriance, but he sees no work of art 
which has existed beyond the memory of man, except a 
few faint and shapeless traces of a former race, whose 
name and character are beyond the reach even of con- 
jecture. Every creation of human skill which he beholds 
is the work of his cotemporaries. All is new. The 
fertile soil abounds in vegetation. The forest is bright, 
and rich, and luxuriant, as it came from the hands of the 
Creator. The hundred rivers, that bear the treasures of 
western industry to the ocean, present grand and im- 
posing spectacles to the eye, while they fill the mind with 
visions of the future wealth and greatness of the lands 



INTRODUCTION. 11 

through which they roll. But they are nameless to the 
poet and historian ; neither song nor chivalry has conse- 
crated their shores. 

The inhabitants are all emigrants from other countries ; 
they have no ruins, no traditions, nothing romantic or 
incredible, with which to regale the traveler's ear. They 
can tell of their own weary pilgrimage from the land of 
their fathers; of exploits performed with the rifle and 
the axe; of solitary days and fearful nights spent in the 
wilderness; of sorrows, and sickness, and privation, when 
none was near to help them; and of competence and 
comfort, gained by years of toil and suffering; but they 
have no traditions that run back to an illustrious an- 
tiquity. 

Scenes and objects of interest occur at every step, but 
they are of a character entirely new. All that the 
traveler tells must be learned upon the spot. The sub- 
jects are such as appeal to the judgment, and require 
the deliberate exercise of a cool and discriminating mind. 
The author has not now to examine the conflicting or 
conforming opinions of others, but to form a decision for 
himself upon matters which have not previously been 
investigated. He must describe a new country, with its 
various features and productions; a new people, with 
novel laws, habits, and institutions. He is not now in 
Italy or France, surrounded by the illustrious dead, and 
scarcely less illustrious living, where the canvas glows, 
and the marble speaks, where every grove shadows the 
tomb of a martyr, a hero, or a poet; and where every 



12 INTRODUCTION. 

scene awakens a familiar image or a poetic thought. A 
vast but silent scene surrounds him. No object speaks 
to his classic recollections. The face of the country, its 
climate, productions, and industry, must be described, 
and, to do this, he must dwell long and examine patiently. 
Books he will find, it is true, but they are the hasty 
productions of careless writers, whose opinions are often 
wrong, and whose observations are confined to a few sub- 
jects of minor interest. 

To acquire an adequate knowledge of such a country, 
requires extensive personal observation. It is necessary 
to examine things instead of books, to travel over this 
wide region, to become acquainted with the people, to 
learn their history from tradition, and to become informed 
as to their manners and modes of thinking, by associ- 
ating with them in the familiar intercourse of business 
and domestic life. There is no other mode of collecting 
facts in relation to a country whose history has never 
been written, and with regard to which no accurate printed 
statistics, embracing the whole region, are in existence. . 

Yet the country aiFords ample materials. In the his- 
torical department a wide and various field is opened. 
The history of the western country has never been barren 
of incident. The valley of the Mississippi has been the 
theater of hardy exploit and curious adventure, through- 
out the whole period of our national existence, and its 
fertile plains present at this time a wide field of specula- 
tion. To whatever point in the annals of this immense 
region we turn, we find them fraught with strange, and 



INTRODUCTION. 13 

novel, and instructive matter. If we trace tne solitary 
path of the fearless Boone; if we pursue the steps of 
Shelby, of Clarke, of Logan, and of Scott, we find them 
beset with dangers so terrible, adventures so wild, and 
achievements so wonderful, as to startle credulity, and we 
encounter tastes, and habits, and sentiments, peculiar to 
our own frontier. In the disastrous campaigns of Harmar 
and St. Clair, and the brilliant successes of Clarke and 
Wayne, there is a sufficiency of those vicissitudes which 
enliven the narratives of military daring, while a host 
of lesser worthies present respectable claims to our ap- 
plause. "Grim visaged war" has so recently "smoothed 
his wrinkled front," in this vast territory, that thousands 
of living witnesses remain to show their scars and attest 
its dangers. The time is within memory, when every 
dwelling was a fortress, when to fight "pro aris et focis" 
—for our hearths and altars— was not merely the poet's 
figure, but the literal and constant business of a whole 
people, when every father defended his own threshold, 
and even mothers imbrued their hands in blood, to pro- 
tect their offspring. 

Few of these events will be recorded, with their inter- 
esting details and attendant circumstances, on the dignified 
page of national history. The greater part of them formed 
no part of any national war, either for independence or 
for conquest; they neither accelerated nor retarded our 
march to national .greatness ; they brought no blot, and 
added but little fame, to the federal escutcheon. They 
are preserved chiefly in tradition, and will form a rich 



14 INTRODUCTION. 

vein of romantic adventure for the future novelist and 
poet. But, although the historian of our common republic 
may not record them at large, they should find an honor- 
able place in the annals of the respective States. They 
belong to them and to their history. 

The shores of the Mississippi, and its tributary streams, 
present to the world a singular and most enchanting pic- 
ture — one which future ages will contemplate with wonder 
and delight. The celerity with which the soil has been 
peopled, and the harmony which has prevailed in the 
erection of the governments, have no parallel in history, 
and seem to be the effect of magic, rather than of human 
agency. Europe was at one time overrun by numerous 
hordes, who, rushing like a torrent from the north, in 
search of a more genial climate, captured or expelled the 
effeminate inhabitants of the south, and planted colonies 
in its richest provinces ; but these were savages, who con- 
quered with the sword, and ruled with the rod of iron. 
The " arm of flesh " was visible in all their operations. 
Their colonies, like ours, were formed by emigration ; the 
soil was peopled with an exotic population ; but here the 
parallel ends. The country, gained by violence, was held 
by force; the blood-stained soil produced nothing but 
"man and steel, the soldier and his sword." 

What a contrast does our happy country present to 
scenes like these? It remained for us to exhibit to the 
world the novel spectacle of a people coming from va- 
rious nations, and differing in language, politics, and re- 
ligion, sitting down quietly together, erecting States, 



INTRODUCTION. 15 

forming constitutions, and enacting laws, without blood- 
shed or dissension. Never was there an experiment of 
greater moral beauty, or more harmonious operation. 

Within a few years past, there has been much curi- 
osity awakened in the minds of the American people, in 
relation to the recent history and present state of their 
country. The struggle for independence, so brilliant 
in its achievements, so important in its results, so gra- 
tifying to national pride in all its details, long absorbed 
the sympathies and occupied the thoughts of our coun- 
trymen. From that period they drew their brightest 
recollections; to that period they referred for all their 
examples of national virtue. There was a classic purity 
and heroism in the achievements of our gallant ances- 
tors, which hallowed their deeds ; but there were also 
substantial comforts and privileges secured to us by these 
disinterested patriots, which called forth all our gratitude, 
and in some measure blunted our perceptions of more 
recent and cotemporary events. With the recollections 
of Bunker's Hill and Brandywine before him, what 
American exulted in the trophies of an Indian war? 
What political transaction could awaken the admiration 
of those who had witnessed the fearful energies which 
gave existence to a nation? What hero or statesman 
could hope to win the applause of a people whose hearts 
dwelt with reverence upon the exalted standards of civil 
and military greatness exhibited in the founders of the 
American republic? Those luminaries, while they shed 
an unfading luster on their country, cast a shadow over 



16 INTRODUCTION. 

succeeding events and rising men; but their mantles 
silently fell upon the shoulders of their successors, who, 
with unpretending assiduity, pursued the course which was 
to consummate the glory of the nation. 

The excitement caused by those splendid national 
events has passed away, and they are now contemplated 
with calmness, though still with admiration. Other inci- 
dents have occurred in our history, sufficiently striking to 
attract attention. Of these the settlement and growth of 
the country lying west of the Alleghany mountains, are 
among the most important, and those which, perhaps, are 
destined to affect, more materially than any other, the 
national character, institutions, and prosperity. 

But a few years have elapsed since the fertile regions 
watered by the beautiful Ohio began to allure the foot- 
steps of our countrymen across the Allegheny mountains. 
Covered with boundless forests, and protected by Alpine 
barriers, terrific to the eye, and almost inaccessible to 
the most adventurous foot, this lovely country remained 
not only uninhabited, but wholly unexplored, until 
Boone and his associates resolved to subdue and people 
it. The dangers and inquietude of a border life pre- 
sented no obstacles to the adventurous spirit of the first 
settlers ; nor were such hardships altogether new to 
those who thus voluntarily sought them. They were 
generally men inured to danger, or whose immediate pre- 
decessors had been, what they themselves now became, 
warriors and hunters. 

The revolutionary war, which had just terminated 



INTRODUCTION. 17 

with infinite glory to the American arms, had infused a 
military spirit into the whole nation, besides affording 
to all whose bosoms glowed with the love of liberty, or 
swelled with the aspirations of ambition, opportunities 
of acting a part, however trivial, in the bloody but in- 
teresting drama. With the return of peace, when our 
citizens resumed their domestic avocations, cheerfully 
abandoning the arms they had reluctantly assumed, the 
inhabitants of the western frontiers alone formed an 
exception to the general tranquillity. Here the toma- 
hawk was still bathed in gore: the husbandman reaped 
his harvest in the garb of the soldier, and often forsook 
his plough to mingle in the tumult of the battle, or 
enjoy the dangerous vicissitudes of the chase. 

Of these hardy woodsmen, or their immediate descend- 
ants, was composed that gallant band of pioneers who 
first peopled the shores of the Ohio — men whose infant 
slumbers had been lulled by the midnight howl of the 
panther, and to whose ears the war-whoop of the Indian 
was as familiar as the baying of the faithful watch-dog. 
To such men, home was no indissoluble tie, if that word 
be employed in its usual sense, as referring to local 
attachments, or implying any of those associations by 
which the heart is bound to a spot endeared by fond 
recollections. The dwelling-place of the woodsman is a 
frail cabin, erected for temporary shelter, and abandoned 
upon the lightest cause. His home is in the bosom of 
his family, who follow his erratic footsteps, as careless of 
danger, and as patient under privation, as himself. 



18 INTRODUCTION. 

With these men were mingled a few others, whose 
character ranked higher in the scale of civilization, and 
who gave a tone to the manners of the new settlements, 
while they furnished the people with leaders in their 
military, as well as their civil affairs. Several revolu- 
tionary officers of gallant name; many promising young 
men, seeking, with the eagerness of youthful ambition, 
for scenes of enterprise more active than the quiet pros- 
perity of their own homes afforded; and substantial 
farmers, from the vicinity of the frontiers, who to the 
hardihood and experience of the woodsman, added the 
industry and thrift of rural pursuits — such were the 
men who laid low the forest, expelled the ferocious 
Indian and the prowling beast of prey, and possessed 
themselves of a country of vast extent and boundless 
fertility. 

They came in a manner peculiar to themselves, like 
men fond of danger, and fearless of consequences. In- 
stead of settling in the vicinity of each other, insuring to 
themselves society and protection by presenting the front 
of a solid phalanx to the foe, they dispersed themselves 
over the whole land in small companies, selecting the 
most fertile spots, without reference to the locality of 
others. The tide of emigration, as it is often called, 
came not like the swelling billows of the ocean, over- 
whelming all the land with one vast torrent, but like 
the gradual overflowing of a great river, whose waters at 
first escape the general mass in small streams, which, 
breaking over the banks, glide through the neighboring 



INTRODUCTION. 19 

country by numberless little channels, and forming di- 
minutive pools, swell and unite, until the whole surface 
is inundated. So came the pioneers. Depending more 
upon their valor than their numbers, these little commu- 
nities maintained themselves in the wilderness, where the 
Indian still claimed dominion, and the wolf lurked in 
every thicket. Between the settlements were extensive 
tracts, as desert, as blooming, and as wild, as hunter could 
wish, or poet could imagine. 

So long as the frontier was subject to the hostile irrup- 
tions of the Indians, the first care of every little colony 
was to provide for its defense. This was, in general, 
effected by the erection of a rude fortress, constructed of 
such materials as the forest afforded, and in whose design 
no art was displayed, beyond that which the native inge- 
nuity of the forester supplied. A block-house was built 
of logs, surrounded by a palisade, or picket-work, com- 
posed of long stakes driven into the ground, forming an 
inclosure sufficiently large to contain the people of the 
settlement, and affording a sufficient protection against 
the sudden irruptions of savage warfare. This was a 
temporary refuge for all, in time of danger; but it was 
also the permanent residence of a single family, usually 
that of the man whose superior skill, courage, or opu- 
lence, constituted him for the time being a sort of 
chieftain in this little tribe. For, as in all societies 
there are master spirits, who acquire an influence over 
their fellow men, there was always in a frontier settle- 
ment some individual who led the rest to battle, and 



20 INTRODUCTION. 

who, by his address or wisdom in other matters, came 
into quiet possession of many of the duties and powers 
of a civil magistrate. There remain traditions of able 
stratagem and daring self-devotion on the part of such 
men, which may be proudly compared with the best ex- 
ploits of Rome or Greece. When one of these primitive 
fortifications formed the rallying point of a numerous 
population, or was placed at an important point, it was 
called a "fort;" but in other cases they were known by 
the less dignified title of "station." Of the latter, there 
were many which afforded protection only to single 
families, who had boldly disconnected themselves from 
society, either for the purpose of acquiring possession, 
by occupancy, of choice tracts of land, or to gain a 
scanty emolument by supplying the wants of the chance 
travelers who occasionally penetrated into these wilds, 
and who accomplished their journeys to the most distant 
settlements, as a general penetrates to the capital of an 
enemy, by advancing from post to post. 

Such was the general character of the first settlers who 
followed the adventurous footsteps of Boone; and whose 
exploits were not confined to the forests of Kentucky. 
From the shores of the Ohio the hardy pioneers moved 
forward to those of the Wabash, and from the Wabash to 
the Mississippi, subduing the whole country, and pre- 
serving in Ohio, Illinois, and Missouri, the same bold out- 
lines of character which they first exhibited in Kentucky. 

If we trace the history of this country still further back 
into the remote periods of its discovery and earliest occu- 



INTRODUCTION. 21 

pation of European adventurers, a fund of interesting 
though somewhat unconnected information is presented. 
We are favorably impressed with its features and charac- 
ter, by the manner in which the first travelers invariably 
speak of its fertility and beauty. The Spaniards, who dis- 
covered the southern coast, called it Florida, or the land 
of flowers ; the French, who first navigated the Ohio, 
named it the Beautiful river, and La Salle, when he be- 
held the shores of the Illinois, pronounced them a ter- 
restrial paradise. The imaginations of those adventurous 
spirits warmed into a poetic fire as they roamed over the 
extensive plains of the West, reposed in its delightful 
groves, or glided with hourly increasing wonder along 
those liquid highways which have since become the chan- 
nels of commerce as mighty in its extent as it has been 
rapid in its growth. 

The French were the first allies and earliest friends of 
our nation; and of all the emigrants from foreign coun- 
tries, they most cheerfully submit to our laws, and most 
readily adopt our manners and language. They engraft 
themselves on our stock, and take a deep root in our 
affections. It is more than a century since a colony of 
that nation settled at Kaskaskia, a thousand miles from the 
ocean, a thousand miles from any community of civilized 
men. Here they flourished for many years, increasing 
in wealth and population, cultivating the most amicable 
relations with the Indian tribes, and enjoying a more than 
ordinary portion of health, prosperity, and peace. They 
were not a literary race, and have left few records behind 



22 INTRODUCTION. 

tlieni, but many valuable traditions, fraught with curious 
matter, are yet extant, which ought to be preserved. 

The Indians still linger on our borders, and sometimes 
pass through the settled parts of our country, the squalid 
and miserable remains of a once warlike population. Can 
it be that they have not degenerated? Is it possible that 
these wretched beings exhibit fair specimens of savage 
men ? If they have indeed fallen from a better estate, it 
should be our task to rescue from oblivion the memory 
of their former virtues. Our immediate predecessors saw 
them in their untamed state, in the vigor of their power, 
and the pride of their independence. Many of these have 
left behind them testimonials of what they saw, and a few, 
who properly belong to a departed generation, yet linger 
on the confines of existence, as if destined to instruct 
the present generation by their knowledge of the past. 

Passing down to periods still more remote, a boundless 
field of inquiry is presented to our attention. The inex- 
haustible fertility of the soil, the salubrity of the climate, 
and the various and amazing resources of our country, 
evince its capacity to support a dense population. Such 
a country was not made in vain, nor can it be believed 
that it was intended by a wise Creator as the residence of 
savages and beasts of prey. That it once sustained a 
numerous population, may be inferred from indications 
which admit of little doubt ; that the character of that 
population was superior to that of the present race of 
Indians, has been suspected, upon evidence, which, if not 
conclusive, is worthy of great consideration. 



ROMANCE OF WESTERN HISTORY. 



CHAPTER I. 



First Explorers — Discovery of the Mississippi — French Mission- 
aries — La Salle's Voyages — Settlements on the Mississippi — 
Manners of the French Colonists — Kaskaskia — Fort Chartres. 

The French,* who first explored the beautiful shores 
of the Mississippi, and its tributary streams, believed they 
had found a terrestrial paradise. Delighted with this 
extensive and fertile region, they roamed far and wide 
over its boundless prairies, and pushed their little barks 
into every navigable stream. Their inoffensive manners 
procured them every -where a favorable reception ; their 
cheerfulness and suavity conciliated even the savage war- 
rior, whose suspicious nature saw no cause of alarm in 
the visits of these gay strangers. Divided into small par- 
ties, having each a separate object, they pursued their 
several designs without concert, and with little collision. 
One sought wealth, and another fame; one came to dis- 
cover a country, another to collect rare and nondescript 
specimens of natural curiosities; one traveled to see man 



*I take pleasure in acknowledging my obligations for the greater 
part of the interesting facts contained in this chapter, to a series 
of articles written for the Illinois Monthly Magazine, by my friend 
Wilson Primm, Esq., of St. Louis, to whose able pen that city and 
the public are indebted for many valuable contributions to the his- 
tory of the early settlements on the Upper Mississippi. 

(23) 



24 FIRST EXPLORERS. 

in a state of nature ; another brought the gospel to the 
heathen ; while many roved carelessly among these inter- 
esting scenes, indulging their curiosity and their love of 
adventure, and seeking no higher gratification than that 
which the novelty and excitement of the present moment 
afforded. With the greater number, however, and pro- 
bably with all who planned and sustained these enter- 
prises, the grand object of pursuit was the precious 
metals, with which they hoped to be enriched, as the 
Spaniards had been in their discoveries. 

The adventurers of no other nation have ever pene- 
trated so far, or so fearlessly, into the interior of a newly 
discovered country. The fathers of New England were 
circumscribed to narrow boundaries, on the sterile shores 
of the Atlantic : the first settlers of Virginia were equally 
unfortunate. The gallant Raleigh barely effected a land- 
ing for his colony, on the shores of North Carolina; even 
the indefatigable William Penn, several years after the 
settlement of Pennsylvania, speaks of the Delaware as a 
"glorious river," but is wholly unacquainted with its ex- 
tent and character. The unsuccessful attempts of British 
travelers, stimulated by the highest rewards of ambition 
and avarice, to penetrate the continent of Africa, are well 
known. The Spaniards traversed the plains of South 
America, only by force of arms. 

We read, therefore, with a surprise bordering on in- 
credulity, of the adventurous voyages of the French. 
Small parties, and even single individuals, explored the 
shores of the St. Lawrence and its mighty chain of tribu- 
tary lakes, inhabited by the most savage of the Indian 
tribes. While the whole American continent was yet a 
wilderness, and it was an unsettled point among Christian 
nations to whom the honor of its conquest should belong, 
the French priests ascended the Mississippi, from its 



FIRST EXPLORERS. 25 

month to the Falls of St. Anthony, a distance of three 
thousand miles, and explored the Arkansas, the Ohio, the 
Wabash, the Illinois, the Wisconsin, and other large 
tributaries. Not only did they pass with impunity, but 
were received with hospitality, and entertained with marks 
of distinguished respect ; the fat hump of the buffalo was 
dressed for them : and troops of beautiful Indian girls 
stood around them, waving the golden plumes of the 
paroquet over their heads, to keep the uncivilised mus- 
quitoes from biting them as they slept. 

It is difficult, at this day, to determine to whom should 
be awarded the honor of having discovered this beautiful 
section of our country. That the materials for an accu- 
rate history of its first exploration and settlement, are in 
existence, we are well aware ; and there is reason to be- 
lieve, that, in addition to what is already known, there 
is a vast deal of documentary evidence remaining un- 
published, or inaccessible to the English reader. The 
missionaries, who were always men of some literary ac- 
quirements, and often possessed considerable learning, 
accompanied the first French explorers. So far as their 
characters can now be ascertained, they seem to have 
been amiable and zealous men, earnestly bent on spread- 
ing the doctrines of the cross. Unlike the Spanish priests, 
who were avaricious, blood-thirsty, and always foremost 
in subjugating or destroying the Indians, we find them 
invariably conciliating the natives, and endeavoring to 
allure them to the arts of peace. The only departure 
from this policy, on their part, is found in the practice, 
which they doubtless sanctioned, and which was pursued 
by both French and English, of arming the savages in 
the colonial wars. ^Jf 

The French missionaries, therefore, wrote with less 
prejudice than most of the early adventurers to Ame- 
3 



26 FRENCH MISSIONARIES. 

rica; and their accounts of the country are the result of 
accurate personal observation. They had fewer insults 
to resent than others; and their statements are more 
candid, because, in general, they were intended only for 
the perusal of their superiors. True, their writings are 
imbued with exaggerations. Ardent in their tempera- 
ment, and deeply tinctured with the superstitions which 
at that time pervaded Christendom, they hastily adopted 
the marvelous tales of the natives, and have transmitted 
some curious fictions to posterity. But all history is 
liable to the same objection; and the writings of the 
persons to whom we allude, being now the only records 
of the early settlement of our country, are as valuable 
as they are interesting. Some of them have been pub- 
lished, but, doubtless, there yet remain in the public 
depositories of France, and in the monastic institutions 
of that country, a mass of reports and letters, in manu- 
script, which might shed additional light on this portion 
of our national history. For the present, we must con- 
tent ourselves with the few but precious morsels of this 
ancient lore, which have been rescued from oblivion. 
But we hope that the day is not far distant when those 
who rule our nation, instead of spending month after 
month, and million after million, in the discussion of 
worse than useless questions, tending only to the gratifi- 
cation of personal ambition, will consult the true honor 
of the country, by expending a portion of its treasure 
in the development of its history and moral resources. 
"Whenever that time shall arrive, we hope to see an effort 
made for the recovery of these invaluable memorials of 
a past age. There is one distinguished individual in 
the national cabinet,* whose pen has been successfully 

* Lewis Cass was then Secretary of War. 



FIRST EXPLORERS. 27 

employed on these subjects, to whose researches into 
Indian and French colonial history, the national litera- 
ture is largely indebted, and from whose influence, should 
it be equal to his zeal and merits, we may expect much. 

We shall not trace the adventurous footsteps of Jacques 
Cartier, the first European explorer of Lower Canada, who 
ascended the St. Lawrence to the island of Montreal, in the 
year 1535, more than three centuries ago. Nor shall we 
attempt to follow the heroic Champlain, who planted and 
sustained, on the shores of the St. Lawrence, the infant 
colony which was destined to people that extensive region. 
But a few years elapsed after the French had gained a 
foothold upon the continent, before we find them push- 
ing their discoveries toward the most remote tributaries 
of the St. Lawrence. The Indian birch canoe, which 
they adopted, and in the management of which they soon 
acquired unrivaled skill, afforded remarkable facilities 
for these long and painful journeys; for these little ves- 
sels combine so remarkably the properties of strength 
and lightness, that while they are capable of transport- 
ing heavy burthens, and of making long and dangerous 
voyages, they can, when unladen, be carried with ease 
upon the shoulders of men. They are propelled by oars, 
through the water, with astonishing swiftness, and when 
the stream is impeded by any impassable obstacle, they 
are unloaded, carried over land to the nearest navigable 
point, and again launched in their element. 

The principal trade of Canada was carried on in these 
frail boats for two centuries; and it is interesting to ob- 
serve, in an invention so simple, and so apparently in- 
significant, an illustration of the important aid which 
may be afforded by the mechanical arts, to political and 
moral power. The birch canoe was to the French, not 
only what the steamboat is to us, enabling them to navi- 



28 FRENCH MISSIONARIES. 

gate the lakes and rivers of Canada, and to ascend the 
Mississippi and all its tributaries, but it also afforded the 
means of surmounting the most dangerous rapids; of 
passing from river to river ; of penetrating into the bosom 
of trackless forests, and of striking into the recesses of 
inhospitable mountains. It was this simple boat which 
afforded to the French the means of traversing this vast 
region, securing its trade, cultivating the friendship of 
its inhabitants, and gaining a power, which, if ably 
wielded, must haye permanently subjected the whole of 
this country to their language, their customs, their re- 
ligion, and, perhaps, to their dominion. 

In the year 1632, seven years only after Quebec was 
founded, the missionaries had penetrated as far west as 
Lake Huron. The Wy an dots and Iroquois were at that 
time engaged in an exterminating war, and the priests, 
following their converts through good and evil fortune, 
tenaciously adhering to the altars which they had reared 
by perilous exertion in the wilderness, shared all the 
privations and dangers which usually attend these border 
feuds. 

In their intercourse with the Indians on the shores of 
the northern lakes, the French became informed of the 
existence of a river flowing to the south, and desired to 
ascertain its character. Father Marquette, a priest, and 
Joliet, an inhabitant of Quebec, were employed to prose- 
cute this discovery; and having ascended Fox river, 
crossed the portage, and descended the Ouisconsin, en- 
tered the Mississippi on the 17th of June, 1673. They 
pursued the meanders of the river to its confluence with 
the Arkansas, and on their return, ascended the Illinois, 
and re-entered Lake Michigan near the present site of 
Chicago. 

La Salle, a man of talent, courage, and experience, 



LA salle's voyages. 29 

determined to complete, if possible, a discovery so im- 
portant to the interests of the French Government, and 
embarked in the prosecution of this undertaking in 1679. 
He built the first vessel, larger than a canoe, that ever 
navigated these lakes. It was launched at Erie, and 
called the Griffin. 

"He reached Michilimackinac, where he left his vessel, 
and coasted Lake Michigan in canoes, to the mouth of 
the St. Joseph. The Griffin was dispatched to Green 
Bay for a cargo of furs, but she was never more heard 
of after leaving that place. Whether she was wrecked, 
or captured and destroyed by the Indians, no one knew 
at that day, and none can now tell. La Salle prosecuted 
his design with great vigor, amid the most discouraging 
circumstances. By the abilities he displayed; by the 
successful result of his undertaking; and by the melan- 
choly catastrophe which terminated his own career, he is 
well worthy a place among that band of intrepid adven- 
turers, who, commencing with Columbus, and terminating 
with Parry and Franklin, have devoted themselves, with 
noble ardor, to the extension of geographical knowledge, 
and have laid open the recesses of this continent." — 
Cass's Address. 

We have met with an old volume, containing an account 
of La Salle's second voyage into North America, in 1683, 
written in French, " by Monsieur Joutel, a commander 
in that expedition." They landed at the mouth of the 
Mississippi, and ascended that river. Of the Wabash, he 
says : " We came to the mouth of a river called the Hou- 
abache, said to come from the country of the Iroquois, 
towards New England." * * * * "A fine river; its 
water remarkably clear, and current gentle." The ex- 
pression, " towards New England," shows how inadequate 
an idea they had of the extent of our country. 



30 LA salle's voyages. 

On reaching the Illinois, he remarks, " We found a 
great alteration in that river, as well with respect to its 
current, which is very gentle, as to the country about it, 
which is more agreeable and beautiful than that about 
the great river, by reason of the many fine woods, and 
variety of fruits, its banks are adorned with. It was a 
very great relief to us, to find so much ease in going up 
that river, by reason of its gentle stream, so that we all 
stayed in the canoe, and made much more way." 

Meeting with ■ some of the natives, he remarks, " We 
asked them, What nation they were of? They answered, 
they were Islinois, of a canton called Cascasquia." This 
account settles the question some times propounded, as 
to the origin of the name of this country, which some 
have supposed to be of French origin, and to be derived 
from the words Isle warn noix, but which is undoubtedly 
aboriginal, although the orthography may be Gallic. The 
tribe alluded to were called the lllini. 

Another passage shows, that the Indians of those days 
were very similar to their descendants ; and that, how- 
ever the savage character may have become deteriorated 
in some respects, by intercourse with the whites, it is 
essentially the same under all circumstances. " They are 
subject," says our author, " to the general vice of all 
other Indians, which is, to boast very much of their war- 
like exploits, and that is the main subject of their dis- 
course, and they are very great liars. 17 

The map attached to this book, is quite a curiosity — it 
is so crude, and so admirable a specimen of the rude state 
of the arts at the time when it was made. It is such as 
an Indian would trace in the sand with his finger, or the 
biggest boy in a school would draw on the black-board. 

Shortly after the country had been thus explored, it 
was settled by colonies from Lower Canada, who founded 



SETTLEMENTS ON THE MISSISSIPPI, 31 

the villages of Kaskaskia, Cahokia, and Peoria. The exact 
date of this emigration is not known, but it was probably 
between the years 1680 and 1690. 

In 1712, Louis XIV., by letters patent, granted to 
Anthony Crozat, counsellor of state, &c, and his heirs, in 
perpetuity, all the mines within the tract of country then 
called Louisiana, and described in these words : " Bounded 
by New Mexico on the west, and by lands of the English 
of Carolina on the east, including all the establishments, 
ports, havens, rivers, and principally the port and haven 
of the isles of Dauphin, heretofore called Massacre ; the 
river St. Louis, heretofore called Mississippi, from the 
edge of the sea as far as the Illinois, together with the 
river St. Philip, heretofore called Ouabache ; with all the 
countries, territories, lakes within land, and rivers which 
fall directly or indirectly into that part of the river of 
St. Louis. This included all the territory now comprised 
in Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Tennessee, Illinois, 
Missouri, and Arkansas. The exclusive privilege of com- 
merce was granted to him in the same district, for fifteen 
years. 

In 1717, M. Crozat relinquished his grant ; and in the 
same year, letters patent were granted to an association 
of individuals at Paris, under the style of the " Company 
of the West;" by which they were invested with the same 
privileges which had been enjoyed by Crozat, together 
with others, far more extensive. The territory was granted 
to them in allodium (en franc allien) in lordship and in 
justice, the crown reserving no other right than those of 
fealty and homage. 

In 1718, the Company of the West formed an esta- 
blishment in Illinois, at Fort Chartres ; and this part of 
the country being reported as remarkably fertile, received 
a great accession of population. 



32 SETTLEMENTS ON THE MISSISSIPPI. 

In 1719, Philip Francis Kenault, who is styled Director 
General of the Mines of the Royal India Company in Illi- 
nois, left France with two hundred artificers, and some 
time in the following year, reached Kaskaskia. He esta- 
blished himself near Fort Chartres, at a place called by 
him St. Philippe, and since called Little Village. Renault 
was disappointed in his expectations of finding gold and 
silver, but is supposed to have made great quantities of 
lead, and to have discovered a copper mine near Peoria. 
His operations were checked by an edict of the king, 
made in May, 1719, by which the Company of the West 
was united to the East India and Chinese Company, 
under the title of " La Campagnie Royale des Indes" 
Finally, in 1731, the whole territory was re-conveyed to 
the crown of France, the objects of the company having 
totally failed. 

From the great number of grants of land made during 
the existence of these companies, it appears that Illinois, 
even at that time, had attracted considerable attention. 
In making these grants, the officers of the company 
united with those of the crown. We have examined some 
of these concessions, dated in 1722, which are made by 
"' Pierre Duquet de Boisbriant, first lieutenant of the king 
in the Province of Louisiana, and commandant for the 
Illinois ; and Marc Antonie de la Loir des Versins, prin- 
cipal commissary for the Royal Company of the Indies, 
at their factory in the Illinois." 

In 1723, a grant was made to Philip Renault, includ- 
ing the site of St. Philippe, of " one league in front by 
two in depth, at Grand Marias, on the Mississippi river. 
This stream is now called Mary, and by one of our geo- 
graphers, St. Mary. 

August 14, 1743, Monsieur Vaudriauel, governor, and 
Monsieur Salmon, commissary ordonnateur of the prov- 



TRENCH SETTLERS. 33 

ince of Louisiana, granted to the inhabitants of Kas- 
kaskia, a tract of land as a common, for the use of said 
inhabitants for ever, which was bounded north by the 
southern limit of said village, east by the Kaskaskia 
river, south and west by the Mississippi, and the limits 
of the "common field." The common field is a tract 
composed of various grants in severalty, made to indi- 
vidual inhabitants in franc allieu (fee simple), and which, 
from the first, has been inclosed in one common fenGe, 
and subjected to certain regulations. We see here a 
custom peculiar to the French. There was attached to 
almost every village a common belonging to the village 
in its municipal character, which was left uninclosed for 
pasturage and other purposes. No portion of this could 
be alienated or converted into private property, but by 
the unanimous act of the villagers. When a young 
couple married, or a person settled in the village, who 
was too indigent to purchase land, they sometimes made 
to such parties donations of a few acres of the common, 
by deed, signed by all the inhabitants; and the lot thus 
severed, became private property, and might be added, if 
conveniently situated, to the common field. The latter 
was owned in parcels by individuals, who held a larger 
or smaller number of acres, in separate lots, each tilling 
his own land, although the whole was surrounded by a 
single fence, and the several parts were not divided by 
inclosures. 

Previous to the year 1748, Spain, France, and Eng- 
land, claimed the greater part of North America, by 
right of conquest, or of discoveries made under their 
patronage, respectively. The treaty of Aix la Chapelle, 
made in that year, contained a provision for the restitu- 
tion of the territories which each had wrested from the 
other, but was wholly silent as to boundaries. France, 



34 FRENCH COLONIAL POLICY. 

however, owned Canada on the north, and Lower Lou- 
isiana on the south, besides claiming the intermediate dis- 
coveries of La Salle and others, on the upper lakes, the 
Mississippi, and the Illinois. 

The French government, at a very early period, adopted 
the policy of uniting their possessions in Canada with 
those in Louisiana, by a chain of posts, which, extending 
along the whole course of the northern lakes, and the 
Mississippi, should open a line of interior communica- 
tion from Quebec to New Orleans, and which would 
secure to them the expansive territory of the west, by 
confining their English neighbors to the country east of 
the Alleghany ridge. It happened, however, with the 
French as with the English, that all their calculations in 
reference to their American colonies, were formed upon 
a scale too small, as well in regard to the objects to be 
secured, as in relation to the extent of the means to 
be employed. The minds of their statesmen seem to 
have never embraced the whole vast field upon which 
their policy was to operate. They appear to have had 
but feeble conceptions of the great extent of the 
country, and to have been entirely ignorant of the 
amount and character of the means necessary for its 
subjection. 

Their schemes wanted unity of design, and the ill- 
assorted parts seldom harmonized together. Thus, al- 
though the French established military posts, and planted 
colonies throughout the whole of this region, they were 
so distant from each other, and so unconnected, as to 
afford no mutual support, nor could they ever be brought 
to act efficiently together, as component parts of any 
colonial or military system. The plan, or want of plan, 
was happily conceived for our benefit; and was disadvan- 
tageous only to those whose want of wisdom, and of 



FRENCH COLONISTS. 35 

vigor, deprived them of territory at an earlier period 
than that at which they would otherwise have lost it. 

It is curious to reflect upon the situation of these 
colonists. Their nearest civilized neighbors were the 
English on the shores of the Atlantic, distant a thou- 
sand miles, from whom they were separated by a barrier 
then insurmountable, and with whom they had no more 
intercourse than with the Chinese. Their countrymen, 
it is true, had posts throughout the west, but they were 
too distant for frequent intercourse, and they were peo- 
pled by those, who, like themselves, were disconnected 
from all the rest of the world. But the French brought 
with them, or found in their vicinity, certain elements 
of prosperity, which enabled them to flourish in spite of 
the disadvantages of their unprotected situation. They 
were unambitious and contented. It was always their 
policy to conciliate the natives, whom they invariably 
treated with a kindness and consideration never shown 
to that unhappy race by other Europeans, and with whom 
they preserved a faith unbroken upon either side. 

In a few years, Kaskaskia grew into a town, whose 
population has been variously estimated at from 1,000 to 
8,000 inhabitants; the latter number is doubtless an 
exaggeration, but either of them indicates a wonderful 
population for a place having little commerce, no arts, 
and no surrounding territory. They lived chiefly by 
agriculture, hunting, and trading with the Indians. 
They possessed a country prolific in all the bounties of 
nature. The wild fruits were abundant. The grape, the 
plum, the persimmon, and the cherry, attain here a size 
unknown in less favored regions. The delicate pecan, 
the hickory nut, the walnut, and the hazle, strew the 
ground during the autumn, excelling the corresponding 
productions of the Atlantic States, as much in size and 



36 MANNERS OF THE COLONISTS. 

flavor as in quantity. Of domestic fruits, the peach, the 
apple, and the pear, attain great perfection. Here the 
maple yields its sugar, and the cotton its fibre, the sweet 
potatoe and Indian corn yield abundantly, while wheat, 
and many other of the productions of colder countries, 
come to perfection. Around them were spread those 
magnificent natural meadows that mock, in their extent 
and luxuriance, the highest efforts of human labor. The 
deer, the buffalo, and the elk, furnished in those days 
bountiful supplies; the rivers abounded with fish; while 
the furry and the feathered tribes afforded articles for 
comfort and for trade, Surrounded thus by good things, 
what more could a Frenchman have desired, unless it 
were a violin and a glass of claret? The former, we are 
told they had, and we have good authority for saying, 
that they drank pretty good wine from their own grapes. 

Of their civil, military, and religious institutions, we 
have little on record, but enough may be gathered to show 
that, though simple and efficient, they were entirely ano- 
malous. The priests seem to have been prudent men. 
At a time when religious intolerance was sufficiently fash- 
ionable, we hear of no trouble among our French. The 
good men who regulated their consciences seem, to have 
prized "the ornament of a meek and quiet spirit," so 
highly as to be content to pursue their own vocation in 
peace with all the world. The military sway, which was 
paramount, seems to have been equally mild — perhaps 
because it was equally undisputed; and as for the civil 
jurisdiction, we find so little trace of it, either on record 
or in tradition, as to induce the belief that the people 
seldom needed its interposition. Some old deeds which 
remain on record at Kaskaskia, are dated as far back as 
1712, framed, of course, on the model of the civil law, 
and written in a choice old provincial dialect. Their legal 



KASKASKIA. 37 

proceedings were brief and simple — so much so, that we, 
with our notions, should have called them arbitrary. Yet 
such was their attachment to their ancient customs, that 
with the kindest feelings towards our country and our 
people, they could ill brook the introduction of the 
common law, when their territory was ceded to our 
government. They thought its forms burthen some and 
complicated; and many of them removed to Louisiana, 
where the civil law was still in force. 

Separated thus from all the world, these people ac- 
quired many peculiarities. In language, dress, and man- 
ners, they lost much of their original polish; but they 
retained, and still retain, many of the leading character- 
istics of their nation. They took care to keep up their 
ancient holidays and festivals ; and with few luxuries 
and fewer wants, they were, probably, as cheerful and as 
happy a people as any in existence. 

Kaskaskia, called in the old French records, "Notre 
dame de Cascasquias," is beautifully situated on the 
point of land formed by the junction of the Mississippi 
and Kaskaskia rivers. It is not at the point of conflu- 
ence, but four miles above, where the rivers approach to 
within less than two miles of each other; and the origi- 
nal plan of the town extended across from river to river. 
In this respect, the position is precisely analogous to that 
of Philadelphia. The point widens below the town, and 
embraces a large tract of immensely fertile land, mostly 
common, covered with plum, grape, pecan trees, and other 
of the richest productions of nature. Here a number 
of horses, turned loose by the first settlers, increased to 
large droves of animals, as wild as the original stock. 
They have now been in a state of nature for more than 
a century. The inhabitants catch and tame them when 
wanted for use; and the "point horses," though small, 



38 KASKASKIA. 

are celebrated for their spirit and hardiness. The site 
of the town is on a level alluvial plain, composed of a 
deep and extremely rich soil. On the opposite side of 
the Kaskaskia river, the land is high and broken. This 
river is three hundred and fifty feet wide opposite the 
town, and preserves a considerable width and depth, with 
a scarcely perceptible current, uninterrupted by any ob- 
struction for more shan fifty miles upwards; beyond that, 
the current is still gentle, and the stream would be nav- 
igable for small boats, in high water, to Vandalia — distant 
ninety-five miles by land, and more than two hundred 
by the meanders of the river — if a few obstructions, 
consisting entirely of fallen timber, were removed. 

This village still retains many striking evidences of its 
origin, and of the peculiar character of its inhabitants. 
Many of the old houses remain, and afford curious spe- 
cimens of the architecture of the people and the period. 
Some of them were built of stone, others were of framed 
timber, with the interstices filled with cement. They 
were usually plastered over with a hard mortar, and 
whitewashed. The gable-ends are often placed to face 
the streets, and the great roofs exhibited a heavy and sin- 
gular construction. The houses were generally but one 
story high, and spread out so as to occupy a large sur- 
face ; and those of the better order were surrounded by 
piazzas, a comfortable fashion still retained in the dwell- 
ings of the planters of Louisiana. To almost all the 
houses, large gardens were attached, inclosed with high 
stone walls, or by picketing, composed of large stakes 
planted perpendicularly in the ground. The inhabitants 
cultivated a great profusion of fruits and flowers ; and, 
although abstemious in their diet, they lived in ease and 
comfort. 

The old church at Kaskaskia is a venerable pile, which, 



LA PRAIRIE DE ROCHER. 39 

although more than a century old, is still in a tolerable 
state of preservation, and is used as a place of worship 
by the Catholic inhabitants. It is very large, and is 
built in a quaint, old-fashioned style. The construction 
of the roof is a great curiosity ; its extensive and massy 
surface being supported by an immense number of pieces 
of timber, framed together with great neatness and accu- 
racy, and crossing each other at a variety of different 
angles, so that no part of the structure can, by any pos- 
sibility, sink until the whole shall fall together. In this 
church are several valuable old records, and, among others, 
a baptismal register, containing the generations of the 
French settlers from about the year 1690. 

In 17¥3, France ceded her possessions east of the Mis- 
sissippi, to England. Captain Philip Pittman, of the 
English army, visited "the country of Illinois" in 1770, 
and published an account of it, from which we glean the 
following particulars : Kaskaskia contained at that time, 
according to Captain Pittman, sixty- five families, besides 
merchants, casual people, and slaves, an enumeration 
which, we have reason to suppose, fell greatly short of 
the truth. The fort, which was burnt down in 1766, 
stood on the summit of a high rock, opposite the town, 
on the other side of the Kaskaskia river. Its shape was 
an oblong quadrangle, of which the exterior polygon 
measured 290 by 251 feet. It was built of very thick, 
squared timber, dovetailed at the angles. An officer and 
twenty soldiers were quartered at the village in 1770, 
and the inhabitants were formed into two companies of 
militia. The officer governed the village, under the direc- 
tion of the commandant at Fort Chartres. 

La Prairie de Rocher, thirteen miles from Kaskaskia, 
is described as being at that time, a "small village, with 
twelve dwelling-houses." The number must have been 



40 ST. PHILIPPE — KAOQUIAS. 

much greater, as there were two hundred inhabitants in 
1820, when the village had fallen into decay. Here was a 
little chapel, formerly a chapel of ease to the church at 
Fort Chartres. The village was distant from the fort 
seven miles, and took its name from its situation, beinc; 
built at the base of a high parapet of rock, that runs 
parallel to the Mississippi. 

"Saint Philippe," says Captain Pittman, "is a small 
village, about five miles from Fort Chartres, on the road 
to Kaoquias ; there are about sixteen houses, and a small 
church, standing; all the inhabitants, except the captain 
of militia, deserted it in 1765, and went to the French 
side. The captain of militia has about twenty slaves, 
a good stock of cattle, and a water-mill. This village 
stands in a very fine meadow, about one mile from the 
Mississippi." 

" The village of St. Famille de Kaoquias," says the 
same writer, "-contains forty-five dwellings, and a church, 
near its center. The situation is not well chosen, being 
overflowed. It was the first settlement on the Missis- 
sippi. The land was purchased of the savages, by a few 
Canadians, some of whom married women of the Kaoquias 
nation, and others brought wives from Canada. The 
inhabitants depend more on hunting and their Indian 
trade, than agriculture, as they scarce raise corn enough 
for their own consumption. They have a great deal of 
poultry, and good stocks of horned cattle. The mission 
of Saint Sulpice had a fine plantation here, and a good 
house on it. They sold this estate, and a very good mill 
for corn and planks, to a Frenchman, who chose to re- 
main here under the English Government. What is 
called the fort, is a small building in the center of the 
village, which differs nothing from other houses, ex- 
cept being the meanest. It was inclosed with palisades, 



FORT CHARTRES. 41 

but these are rotted or burnt. There is no use for a fort 
here." 

Some curious facts are also recorded in a rare volume, 
written by Daniel Coxe, of New Jersey, who visited this 
region during the occupancy of the French. 

Fort Chartres, when it belonged to France, was the seat 
of government of the Illinois country. It was afterwards 
the head quarters of the English commanding officer, who 
was in fact the arbitrary governor of this region. The 
shape of the fort was an irregular quadrangle, with four 
bastions. The sides of the exterior polygon were about 
four hundred and ninety feet in extent. It was designed 
only as a defense against Indians. The walls, which were 
of stone, and plastered over, were two feet two inches 
thick, and fifteen feet high, with loop-holes at regular 
distances, and two port-holes for cannon in each face, and 
two in the flanks of each bastion. The ditch was never 
finished. The entrance was through a handsome rustic 
gate. Within the wall was a small banquette, raised 
three feet, for the men to stand upon when they fired 
through the loop-holes. Each port, or loop-hole, was 
formed of four solid blocks of rock, of freestone, worked 
smooth. All the cornices and casements about the gate 
and buildings were of the same material, and appeared to 
great advantage. 

The buildings within the fort were the commandant's 
and commissary's houses, the magazine of stores, corps de 
yard, and two barracks, occupying the square. Within the 
gorges of the bastions were a powder magazine, a bake- 
house, a prison (in the lower floor of which were four 
dungeons, and in the upper two rooms), and some smaller 
buildings. The commandant's house was ninety-six feet 
long and thirty deep, containing a dining-room, a bed- 
chamber, a parlor, a kitchen, five closets for servants, and 
4 



42 FORT CHARTRES. 

a cellar. The commissary's house was built in a line with 
this, and its proportions and distribution of apartments 
were the same. Opposite these were the store-house and 
guard-house; each ninety feet long by twenty-four deep. 
The former contained two large store-rooms, with vaulted 
cellars under the whole, a large room, a bed-chamber and 
a closet for the keeper; the latter, soldiers' and officers' 
guard-rooms, a chapel, a bed-chamber and closet for the 
chaplain, and an artillery store-room. The lines of bar- 
racks, two in number, were never completely finished : they 
consisted of two rooms in each line for officers, and three 
for soldiers; they were good, spacious rooms, of twenty-two 
feet square, with passages between them. All these build- 
ings were of solid masonry, and well finished. There were 
extensive lofts over each building, reaching from end to 
end, which were made use of to contain regimental stores, 
working and entrenching tools, etc. It was generally 
allowed that this was the most commodious and best built 
fort in North America. The bank of the Mississippi 
next the fort, was continually falling in, being worn away 
by the current which was turned from its course by a 
sand-bar, that soon increased to an island, and became 
covered with willows. Many experiments were tried to 
stop this growing evil, but to no purpose. When the fort 
was begun in 1756, it was half a mile from the water side; 
in 1766, it was eighty paces; and the western angle has 
since been undermined by the water. In 1762, the river 
was fordable to the sand-bar; in 1770, the latter was 
separated from the shore by a channel forty feet deep. 
Such are the changes of the Mississippi. In the year 
1764, there were about forty families in the village of Fort 
Chartres, and a parish church, served by a Franciscan 
friar, dedicated to St. Anne. In the following year, when 
the English took possession of the country, they aban- 



RUINS OP FORT CHARTRES. 43 

doned their houses, except three or four poor families, and 
settled at the villages on the west side of the Mississippi, 
choosing to continue under the French Government. 

The writer visited the ruins of Fort Chartres, in 1829. 
It was situated, as well as the villages above named, on 
the American Bottom, an extensive and remarkably fertile 
plain, bounded on one side by the river, and on the other 
by a range of bluffs, whose summits are level with the 
general surface of the country. The bluffs are steep, and 
have the appearance of having once formed the eastern 
bank of the Mississippi. It would seem that they com- 
posed a continuous, even, and nearly perpendicular para- 
pet, separating the plain which margins the river, from 
the higher plain of the main land. But the ravines, 
washed by rains, have indented it in such a manner, as 
to divide the summit into a series of rounded elevations, 
which often present the appearance of a range of Indian 
mounds. These bluffs are so called when bare of timber, 
which is their usual character; and when their beautifully 
graceful undulations are exposed to the eye, they form 
one of the most remarkable and attractive features of the 
scenery of this country. When timbered, they do not 
differ from ordinary hills. We approached Fort Chartres 
in the summer, when the native fruit trees were loaded 
with their rich products. Never did we behold the fruits 
of the forest growing in such abundance, or such amaz- 
ing luxuriance. Immense thickets of the wild plum might 
be seen, as we rode over the prairie, extending for miles 
along its edges, so loaded with crimson fruit as to ex- 
hibit to the eye a long streak of glowing red. Some- 
times we rode through thickets of crap-apple, equally 
prolific, and sometimes the road wound through copses 
matted with grape vines, bearing a profusion of rich 
clusters. Although the spot was familiar to my com- 



44 ANECDOTES. 

panion, it was with, some difficulty that we found the 
ruins, which are now covered and surrounded with a 
young but vigorous and gigantic growth of forest trees, 
and with a dense undergrowth of bushes and vines, 
through which we forced our way with considerable 
labor. Even the crumbling pile itself is thus over- 
grown, the tall trees rearing their stems from piles of 
stone, and the vines creeping over the tottering walls. 
The buildings were all razed to the ground, but the lines 
of the foundations could be easily traced. A large 
vaulted powder magazine remained in good preserva- 
tion. The exterior wall, the most interesting vestige, 
as it gave the general outline of the whole, was thrown 
down in some places ; but in many, retained something 
like its original hight and form ; and it was curious to 
see in the gloom of a wild forest, these remnants of the 
architecture of a past age. One angle of the fort, and 
an entire bastion, had been undermined and swept away 
by the river, which, having expended its force in this 
direction, was again retiring; and a narrow belt of young 
timber had grown up between the water's edge and the 
ruins. 

Many curious anecdotes might still be picked up in 
relation to these early settlers, whose simplicity of char- 
acter contrasts strongly with the shrewdness and energy 
of our backwoodsmen ; in Illinois and Missouri, espe- 
cially, where the Spanish, French, and American authori- 
ties have had sway in rapid succession. At one time the 
French had possession of one side of the Mississippi, 
and the Spaniards of the other; or, more probably, the 
rumor of a transfer of jurisdiction, recently negotiated, 
but not yet carried out, placed the inhabitants of these 
remote regions in doubt who were their real masters, and 
left them for a time to chose the allegiance which they 



ANECDOTE. 45 

preferred. The French peasantry, especially, illiterate 
and satisfied, smoked their pipes and played their fiddles 
in happy ignorance of any changes beyond the limits of 
their own villages, while even the local authorities were 
about as much mystified, as to the actual state of things, 
as the people. 

A story is told of a Spaniard living on one shore, who, 
being the creditor of a Frenchman residing on the other, 
seized a child, the daughter of .the latter, and having 
borne her across the river, which he supposed formed a 
national boundary, held her as a hostage for the pay- 
ment of the debt. The civil authorities, respectively, de- 
clined interfering ; the military did not think the matter 
sufficiently important to create a national war, and the 
Frenchman had to redeem his offspring by discharging 
the creditor's demand. The lady who was thus abduced 
is still living, or was living a few years ago, near Cahokia, 
the mother of a numerous progeny of American French 
people. 

Having spoken of the pacific disposition evinced by the 
French in their early intercourse with the Indian tribes, 
it is proper to remark, that we allude particularly to 
those who settled on the Wabash and upper Mississippi. 
They have every-where treated the savages with more 
kindness and greater justice than the people of other 
nations; but there have been exceptions which we are 
not disposed to conceal or palliate. In lower Louisiana 
they emulated, in some instances, the cruelty of the 
Spaniards and the rapacity of the English; but in Illinois, 
their conduct towards their uncivilized neighbors seems 
to have been uniformly friendly and amiable; and the 
descendants of the first settlers of that state still enjoy 
the confidence of the Indian tribes. 

We have heard of an occasion on which this reciprocal 



46 THE FRENCH AND THE INDIANS. 

kindness was very strongly shown. Many years ago, a 
murder having been committed in some broil, three Indian 
young men were given up, by the Kaskaskia tribe, to the 
civil authorities of the newly established American gov- 
ernment. The population of Kaskaskia was still entirely 
French, who felt much sympathy for their Indian friends, 
and saw these hard proceedings of the law with great dis- 
satisfaction. The ladies, particularly, took a warm interest 
in the fate of the young aboriginals, and determined, if 
they must die, they should at least be converted to Chris- 
tianity in the meanwhile, and be baptized into the true 
church. Accordingly, after due preparation, arrange- 
ments were made for a public baptism of the neophytes 
in the old cathedral of the village. Each of the youths 
was adopted by a lady, who gave him a name, and was to 
stand godmother in the ceremony; and these lady patro- 
nesses, with their respective friends, were busily engaged 
for some days in preparing dresses and decorations for 
their favorites. There was quite a sensation in the village. 
Never were three young gentlemen brought into fashion 
more suddenly or more decidedly ; the ladies talked of 
nothing else, and all the needles in the village were plying, 
in the preparation of finery for the occasion. Previous 
to the ceremony — that is, the ceremony of hanging — the 
aboriginals gave their jailor the slip, and escaped, aided 
most probably by the ladies, who had planned the whole 
affair with a view to this result. The law is not vindictive 
in new countries ; the danger soon blew over ; the young 
men again appeared in public, and evinced their gratitude 
to their benefactresses. 

At the secluded little village of Carondolet, popularly 
called Vide Poche, there resided an individual who ruled 
the hamlet with absolute sway, but with no other warrant 
than a strong will, flanked on the one hand by personal 



A PRIMITIVE MAGISTRATE. 47 

prowess, and on the other by a popular character. With 
a little more intellect than his fellows, his control over 
them was as undisputed, as it was kind and parental. To 
him they all brought their differences for decision, and no 
man drove a pony, or tuned a violin, in defiance of his 
will. A faithful retainer acted as his messenger and mar- 
shal, to carry his orders, to summon witnesses, and to 
bring offenders into his presence ; and on grave occasions, 
when a warrant was thought to be required, the self-consti- 
tuted magistrate handed his jackknife to his official, as the 
oriental sovereign sent his ring in evidence of his man- 
date, and none were so hardy as to disobey the significant 
symbol of authority. He judged them many years, and 
no one envied or gainsayed him. The song and the dance 
alternated with just barely labor enough to supply escu- 
lents and flesh for their simple tables ; they smoked the 
pipe in peace under their spreading catalpa trees; the roses 
and honeysuckles bloomed around their dwellings, while 
no officious mail, or tattling newspaper, brought tidings of 
any better government, or more prosperous community. 
They were a happy people ! and great was their astonish- 
ment, and many the " sacres" and " diables" that were 
uttered, when the government of the United States was 
extended over them, and they were made acquainted with 
the vast, the complex, and to them vexatious machinery 
of republican law and liberty. 

It is with regret that we record the dispersion of this 
kind-hearted people from the dwellings of their fathers. 
Several generations flourished happily in Illinois, under 
the mild sway of the French government. The military 
commandants and the priests governed them with an un- 
controlled, but parental authority ; they were not oppressed 
with taxes ; nor do we read of their having any political 
grievances. They were unambitious and submissive. 



48 DISPERSION OP THE FRENCH. 

The first adventurers to Louisiana and Canada had ex- 
changed the fruitful fields and vinyards of France for the 
inhospitable wilds of the new world, not to pursue their < 
former occupations, but to amass opulent fortunes by ^ 
mining. They expected to find a country rich in precious 
minerals, and great was their disappointment when they 
came to realize their condition. The Indian trade fur- 
nished their only means of subsistence. They took little 
pains to examine the quality of their lands, or to ascertain 
what products were suited to the soil and climate. The 
consequence was that the great mass of them became poor, 
the spirit of enterprise was extinguished, and they grew as 
inert as they were inoffensive. They became boatmen and 
hunters, and the labors of nine-tenths of the population 
on distant lakes and rivers, exposed to danger, priva- 
tion and death, served only to augment the wealth of a 
few traders and merchants. The physical strength of a 
community depends more on agriculture than on any other 
pursuit. The ancient French were ignorant of this truth, 
and their descendants have not learned it to this day. 
They seldom attempted any thing more than the cultiva- 
tion of their gardens, and the raising of a little grain for 
their own consumption. In the mechanic arts they made 
no progress ; they still use some of the implements of 
agriculture introduced by their forefathers a century ago ; 
and drive vehicles, such as were in fashion in some prov- 
inces of France at the same period. But they were con- 
tented. The most perfect equality reigned among them. 
They lived in harmony ; all danced to the same violin, and 
preserved their national vivacity and love of amusement. 

When their country came into the possession of the 
American government, they were displeased with the 
change. There never was a stronger instance of the un- 
fitness of republican institutions for an ignorant people. . 



DISPERSION. 49 

Accustomed to be ruled by the officers of the French 
crown, and to bestow no thought on matters of public 
policy, they disliked the machinery of municipal institu- 
tions, which they did not understand, and considered it 
a hardship to be called upon to elect officers, or perform 
civil duties. It is said that a few years ago, when the 
inhabitants of one of these villages were told that it would 
be proper for them to attend an election, to vote for a 
member of congress, one of their principal men declared 
that it was an imposition to send any man so far from 
home — that he would not go to congress, nor would he 
assist in imposing such an unpleasant duty upon any of 
his neighbors. 

The influx of a population dissimilar to themselves in 
manners, language, religion, and habits, displeased them ; 
the enterprise and fondness for improvement of the 
American settlers, fretted and annoyed them. The land 
lying waste around them, they had considered as a kind 
of common property — the natural inheritance of their 
children and countrymen ; and when any one wished to 
convert a portion of it to his own use, he applied to the 
lieutenant-governor, who granted a concession for a certain 
number of acres. But now they saw all this domain sur- 
veyed and offered for sale to the highest bidder; and 
there was a fair prospect, that, in a few years, there would 
be no wilderness remaining to hunt in, and no range for 
their wild ponies and cattle. 

When the American government, therefore, took pos- 
session of the country, the majority of the wealthiest 
inhabitants removed, — some to St. Louis, which was rising 
into a promising commercial town, and others to lower 
Louisiana, where they could enjoy their own laws, cus- 
toms, and language. The more indigent scattered them- 
selves along the frontier, and became boatmen, hunters, 
5 



50 ANECDOTE OF CLARKE. 

and interpreters in the employ of Indian traders. A 
remnant remained, whose descendants are still a peculiar 
people, but are slowly, though perceptibly, losing their 
distinctive character, and becoming amalgamated with the 
surrounding population. 

Another anecdote of these times is worth recording: 
When General George Rogers Clarke, the Hannibal of 
the west, captured Kaskaskia, he made his head-quarters 
at the house of a Mr. Michel A , one of the weal- 
thiest inhabitants. Michel lived in a capital French 
house, enveloped with piazzas, and surrounded by gar- 
dens — all in the most approved style. He was a merry, 
contented, happy man, abounding in good living, and 
good stories, and as hospitable as any gentleman what- 
ever. The general remained his guest some time, treat- 
ed with the greatest kindness and attention, and took 
leave of Mr. A. with a high respect for his character, and 
a grateful sense of his warm-hearted hospitality. Years 
rolled away; General Clarke had retired from public life, 
and was dwelling in a humble log house in Indiana, a 
disappointed man. His brilliant services had not been 
appreciated by his country; his political prospects had 
been blighted; he was unemployed and unhappy — a 
proud man, conscious of merit, pining away his life in 
obscurity. One day, as he strolled along the banks of 
the Ohio, he espied a circle of French boatmen, the crew 
of a barge, who were seated round a fire on the beach, 
smoking their pipes, and singing their merry French 
songs : one voice arrested his ear — it was that of his old 
friend Michel ; he could not mistake the blithe tones and 
ever-buoyant humor of his former host. He approached, 
and there sat Michel in the garb of a boatman, with a red 
cap on his head, the merriest of the circle. They recog- 
nized each other instantly. Michel was as glad to see the 



ANECDOTE OF CLARKE. 51 

general, and invited him to take a seat on the log beside 
hirn, with as much unembarrassed hospitality, as if he had 
still been in his spacious house, surrounded by his train 
of servants. He had suddenly been reduced from afflu- 
ence to poverty — from a prosperous gentleman, who lived 
comfortably on his estate, to a boatman — the cook, if we 
mistake not, of a barge. Although a man of vivacity and 
strong mind, he was illiterate and unsuspecting. The 
change of government had brought in new laws, new cus- 
toms, and keener speculators than the honest French had 
been accustomed to deal with, and Michel was ruined. 
But he was as happy as ever ; while his friend, the gen- 
eral, whose change of circumstances had not been so sud- 
den or complete, was a moody, discontented man. Such 
is the diversity of national character. 



52 FOUNDING OF ST. LOUIS. 



CHAPTER II. 



Founding of St. Louis — History of that Colony — Transfer to Spain — 
Attack by the Indians — Intercourse with New Orleans — A gallant 
exploit — Other French Settlements. 

The city of St. Louis was founded in the year 1764, 
by Monsieur Laclede, one of the partners in a mercantile 
association, known under the name of Laclede, Ligueste, 
Maxan & Company, to whom the director general of the 
province of Louisiana had granted the exclusive privilege 
of trading with the Indians of the Missouri, and those 
west of the Mississippi, above the Missouri, as far up 
as the river St. Peter. The traffic in furs and peltry 
with these distant tribes, though of great value, would 
have been unavailable without a suitable place for the 
deposit of merchandize ; and to induce the company to 
hazard the establishment of such a depot, which would 
also serve as the nucleus of new settlements west of the 
Mississippi, extensive powers were given to the gentlemen 
engaged in this enterprise. M. Laclede, therefore, formed 
an expedition, at the head of which he set out from New 
Orleans, on the 3d of August, 1763, and arrived at Ste. 
Genevieve, where it seems there was already a small settle- 
ment, on the 3d of November, the voyage, which is now 
accomplished in ten days by our steamboats, occupying 
those adventurers three months, with their inferior means 
of transportation. This point being too distant from the 



HISTORY OF ST. LOUIS. 53 

Missouri, he proceeded to the mouth of that river, and on 
his return fixed upon the site. Having wintered at Fort 
Chartres, and gained some recruits at that place, Cahokia, 
and Ste. Genevieve, he commenced, on the 15th of Feb- 
ruary, 1764, the work of cutting down tre^s and laying 
out a town, which he called St. Louis, after the reigning 
king of France. In consequence of some subsequent dis- 
tress, on account of a scarcity of provisons, it received 
the popular name of Pain Court, by which it was called 
for many years. M. Augustine Chouteau, then about 
fourteen years of age, who has since been one of the most 
opulent and enterprising of the citizens of that place, and 
is but recently deceased, was of the party which laid the 
foundation of this flourishing city. 

In the selection of this site, a degree of sagacity was 
shown, which has seldom marked such transactions. The 
spot is elevated above the inundations of the river, from 
whose margin the ground rises gradually, and is based on 
a thick stratum of rock, which affords the most admirable 
materials for building. Above and below, along the river, 
was an abundance of timber, and to the west an unlimited 
expanse of fertile prairies ; while on the east were the rich 
plains of Illinois. A short distance below were the lead 
mines, which have, for half a century past, afforded a 
valuable article of trade ; a few miles above the town, the 
Missouri and Illinois rivers united their waters with those 
of the Mississippi, extending the channels of intercourse 
throughout a vast interior region ; and this obscure spot 
in the heart of a great continent, and far distant from the 
ocean, was visited by the birch canoes from Quebec, as well 
as by the barges from New Orleans. 

In July, 1765, Fort de Chartres was evacuated by the 
French, and M. de St. Ange de Belle JReve, the commander, 
proceeded to St. Louis with the troops, and assumed the 



54 LIVRE TERREIN. 

reins of government. From this time St. Louis was con- 
sidered as the capital of Upper Louisiana. Having or- 
ganized a government, one of his first acts was to parcel 
the land to the settlers, to whom M. Laclede had given 
possession, but not titles. 

He accordingly made the Livre Terrein, or land-book, 
in which grants of land were not recorded only, but origi- 
nally written-, and a copy of the entry made in this book 
constituted the evidence of title in the hands of the gran- 
tee. These concessions were not considered as inchoate 
grants, which were to be ratified by a higher authority, 
but as perfect titles, independent of any condition, except 
those of the land being subject to taxation, and being im- 
proved by the grantee, within a limited time. The mode 
of obtaining grants was by petition or requete, addressed to 
the commandant ; and the concession generally ran, after 
reciting the application, thus: "On the day and year 

aforesaid, at the request of , we have granted, and 

do grant to him, his heirs, and assigns, the lot (or piece 
of land, describing its contents, boundaries and locality), 
which he prays for, with the condition that he shall estab- 
lish it within a year and a day, and that it shall be subject 
to the public charges. St. Ange." 

Nearly the same form of concession was used under the 
Spanish authority. There was usually, however, a stipu- 
lation contained in them, that in case the conditions of 
improvement and cultivation should not be complied with, 
the lands should revert to the king, and some instances 
are found in the Livre Terrein, where that resumption has 
taken place. At first these grants were proportioned to 
the means of the applicant, but at a later period they were 
made to all who chose to apply for them, to any extent, 
unconditionally, and without reference to the ability of the 
applicant. The policy of the government, in making the 



M. ST. ANGE — IMPROVEMENT. 55 

grants, was to settle the country; but the remoteness of 
this province, and the extent of the authority, necessarily 
placed in the hands of the lieutenant governors, enabled 
them to abuse this power, and it is said to have degen- 
erated into a spirit of favoritism. Up to a certain period, 
the means of the cultivator were taken as the criterion 
by which the magnitude of the grant was regulated, and 
as there was no public surveyor, the difficulty of locating 
large tracts, and setting the boundaries, may have deterred 
many from attempting such speculations. But these ob- 
stacles, if they were such, were removed by the appoint- 
ment of a surveyor general, in 1795, and the number of 
concessions increased with incredible rapidity, especially 
in the period immediately preceding the occupation of the 
country by the American government. Previous to the 
appointment of M. Soulard, as surveyor general, in 1795, 
the whole number of arpens of land conceded to indi- 
viduals did not exceed 50,000; but the number granted 
after that appointment, amounted to 2,150,969. The gov- 
ernment of the United States recognises the validity of all 
titles to real estate acquired under the French or Spanish 
governments ; but the great number of these grants, and 
the negligence with which they were made, has caused 
great perplexity to congress, and to the courts of law. 

Under the administration of M. St. Ange, St. Louis, 
assumed the appearance of a town, and the foundations 
of social order were laid. The soldiers became amalga- 
mated with the inhabitants; comfortable dwellings were 
erected; and the common fields, as they are now called, 
were opened and improved. All accounts which have 
reached us, agree in describing the government as mild 
and patriarchal; the whole community seemed to have 
lived together as a single family, under the guidance of 
a common father, enjoying a common patrimony. 



56 ARRIVAL OF MR. RIOUS. 

A curious remark has occurred to us upon a compari- 
son of the first settlements of the English and the 
French. Though the latter nation has arways been in- 
ferior to the former in the mechanical arts, especially in 
those of the useful kind; and though the English inva- 
riably deny to the French any adequate perception of 
the enjoyments embraced by themselves under the word 
comfort, both these propositions would seem to be re- 
versed by the evidence to which we allude. The first 
habitations of the English were log-cabins, the most un- 
sightly and comfortless, and their descendants, to this 
day, commence all their villages with the same rude 
dwellings, or with frail erections of framed timber, while 
the garden and the orchard have been tardily introduced. 
The old French villages, on the contrary, consisted of 
substantial houses of stone, or of heavy timber, plastered 
with excellent mortar, encompassed by piazzas, and sur- 
rounded by gardens, stocked with fruit, and inclosed 
with walls, or strong stockades. The first habitations of 
the English have mouldered away, and comparatively few 
relics remain to attest their character, while many houses 
in the French villages have been left, by the hand of 
time, in their primitive integrity, durable monuments of 
the taste and comfort of the original proprietors. The 
excellence of their masonry has been often remarked ; 
the walls of Fort Chartres, though long since abandoned, 
and left exposed to the elements, are so indestructible, 
that the inhabitants of the neighborhood, in attempting 
to remove the materials, have found it difficult to take 
them apart. 

In 1768, after St. Ange had governed at St. Louis three 
years, Mr. Rious arrived with Spanish troops, and took 
possession of Upper Louisiana, in the name of his Catho- 
lic Majesty; but did not exercise any jurisdiction, as it 



VIDE POCHE. 57 

appears from the records in the Livre Terrein, that St. 
Ange continued to perform official acts until 1770. It 
is inferred that the reluctance of the inhabitants to sub- 
mit to the change of rulers was so great, that it was 
judged prudent to defer the assertion of the new au- 
thority until the dissatisfaction caused by the transfer of 
the country had worn away, and the people become recon- 
ciled to their new master. The wisdom of this policy 
became apparent in the firm attachment which was dis- 
played toward the Spanish Government, so that when the 
province was retroceded to France, in 1800, the people 
again expressed their dissatisfaction at the change; and 
they were not less displeased at the subsequent transfer 
to the United States. 

In 1767 was founded Vide Poehe, which, in 1796, 
took the name of Carondelet. Florissant was founded in 
1769; Les Petites Cotes was settled in 1769, and called 
St. Charles in 1804. 

The inhabitants of St. Louis continued for about fifteen 
years to live in perfect harmony with the Indians, without 
molestation, and without any apprehension of danger. 
The first hostilities do not appear to have arisen out of 
any quarrel between the parties themselves, but resulted 
from the contest raging between Great Britain and her 
colonies. In 1777, a rumor came to this remote spot, 
that an attack would shortly be made upon the town, by 
the Canadians, and such Indians as were friendly to the 
English. The village was then almost destitute of mili- 
tary defenses, but the inhabitants, including little more 
than a hundred men, immediately proceeded to inclose it 
with a kind of wall, about six feet high, formed of the 
trunks of small trees, planted in the ground, the inter- 
stices being filled with earth. It described a semicircle, 
resting upon the river, above and below the town, flanked 



58 ATTACKED BY INDIANS. 

by a small fort at one extremity, and a less important 
work at the other. It had three gates for egress towards 
the country, each defended by a piece of heavy ordnance, 
which was kept continually charged. For a while, these 
preparations seemed to have been needless; winter passed 
away, and spring came, without any attack; the labors of 
husbandry were resumed, and the villagers laid aside their 
fears, and their military exercises. 

In May, 1778, the attack was made, in a manner char- 
acteristic of the times and place. The force of the enemy, 
consisting of a motley band of about fourteen hundred 
men, collected from various tribes residing on the lakes, 
and the Mississippi — Ojibeways, Menomenies, Winneba- 
goes, Sioux, Saukies, and some Canadians — assembled on 
the eastern shore of the Mississippi, a little above St. 
Louis, awaiting the 6th of May, the day fixed for the 
attack. The 5th of May was the feast of Corpus Christi, 
a day highly venerated by the inhabitants, who were all 
Catholics. An assault on that day would have been fatal ; 
for after attending divine service, the villagers, old and 
young, men, women, and children, sallied out in all the 
glee of a Catholic holiday, unsuspicious of danger, to the 
neighboring prairie, to gather the ripe strawberries, of 
which there was a great profusion. The town, left un- 
guarded, could have been easily taken. A few only of 
the enemy, however, had crossed the river: and these, 
lying ambushed on the prairie, made no effort to disturb 
the peaceable villagers, who were frequently so near as to 
be almost in contact with the lurking savages. But the 
latter either did not discover the total desertion of the 
town, or with the known pertinacity of the Indian char- 
acter, determined to adhere to the preconcerted plan of 
attack. 

The enemy crossed the river on the 6th, and marched 



l'annee du grand coup. 59 

to the fields, where they expected to find the most of the 
villagers engaged in their agricultural pursuits. It hap- 
pened that but few were there, who fled under a shower 
of bullets, and barely escaped with the aid of their friends 
in the village, who, on hearing the alarm, rushed to the 
gates, which they threw open to receive their comrades, 
and then closed against the enemy. The inhabitants, men 
and women, acted with spirit, and the savages, after receiv- 
ing a few discharges of grape shot, retired, after killing 
about twenty of the whites. An indelible stain was fixed 
upon the character of the commandant, Leyba, who not 
only took no share of the danger, but even commanded 
the inhabitants to cease firing, and used such exertions to 
cripple the defence, that he was suspected of treachery; 
while his lieutenant, Cartabona. with sixty soldiers, re- 
mained concealed in a garret during the whole action. 
The reader of colonial history will be struck with the co- 
incidence of this event with many which occurred in all 
the American colonies, under whatever foreign dominion ; 
the inhabitants were often plunged into wars with the 
Indians, with whom they had no quarrel, by the policy of 
their superiors — wars, of which the effects fell solely upon 
themselves, which were prosecuted by their arms, and 
successfully terminated by their valor. This first attack 
upon St. Louis, formed an era in the history of the place, 
and the year in which it occurred is still designated by 
the inhabitants as "L'annee du grand coup." The town 
was afterwards more strongly fortified, and was not again 
molested by the Indians. 

In the month of April, 1785, there was an unparalleled 
rise of the Mississippi, which swelled to the extraordinary 
height of thirty feet above the highest water mark previ- 
ously known. The town of Kaskaskia was completely 
inundated, and the whole of the American Bottom over- 



60 ROBBERS OF COTTONWOOD CREEK. 

flowed. This year forms another era in the reminiscences 
of the old inhabitants, who call it the year of the great 
waters — "L'annee des grandes eaux." 

The intercourse with New Orleans was at this period 
neither frequent nor easy. The only mode of transport- 
ing merchandise was by means of keel-boats and barges, 
which descended the river in the spring, and returned late 
in the autumn. The preparations for a voyage to the city, 
as New Orleans was called, were as extensive and delib- 
erate as those which would now be made for a voyage to 
the East Indies. Instead of the rapid steamboats which 
render the navigation of our long rivers so easy, they had 
the tardy and frail barge, slowly propelled by human labor. 
There was also danger, as well as difficulty, in the enter- 
prise; a numerous band of robbers, under the command 
of two men named Culbert and Magilbray, having sta- 
tioned themselves at a place called "La riviere aux liards," 
Cottomoood creek, where they carried on a regular and ex- 
tensive system of piracy. As the voyage was long, and 
the communication between the two ports was attempted 
but once a year, the boats were generally so richly laden, 
that the capture of one of them afforded wealth to the 
plunderers, and brought ruin upon the owner. An inci- 
dent of this description, illustrative of the facts to which 
I allude, I will narrate, as I find it in an excellent article 
on the history of St. Louis, from which I have already 
quoted liberally.* 

In the spring of 1787, a barge, belonging to Mr. Beau- 
soliel, had started from New Orleans, richly laden with 
merchandise, for St. Louis. As she approached the Cot- 
tonwood creek, a breeze sprung up and bore her swiftly by. 
This the robbers perceived, and immediately despatched a 

* Illinois Monthly Magazine. 



CAPTURE AND RECAPTURE. 61 

company of men up the river for the purpose of heading. 
The manoeuver was effected in the course of two days, at 
an island which has since been called Beausoliel's island. 
The barge had just put ashore. The robbers boarded, and 
ordered the crew to return down. The men were dis- 
armed, guards were stationed in every part of the vessel, 
and she was soon under way. Mr. Beausoliel gave him- 
self up to despair. He had spent all he possessed in the 
purchase of the barge and its cargo, and now that he was 
to be deprived of them all, he was in agony. This vessel 
would have shared the fate of many others that had pre- 
ceded it, but for the heroic daring of a negro, who was 
one of the crew. Cacasotte, the negro, was a man rather 
under the ordinary hight, very slender in person, but of 
uncommon strength and activity. The color of his skin 
and the curl of his hair, alone told that he was a negro, 
for the peculiar characteristics of his race had given place 
in him to what might be termed beauty. His forehead 
was finely moulded, his eyes small and sparkling as those 
of a serpent, his nose aquiline, his lips of a proper thick- 
ness; in fact, the whole appearance of the man, joined to 
his known character for shrewdness and courage, seemed 
to indicate that, under better circumstances, he might 
have shone conspicuous in the history of nations. Ca- 
casotte, as soon as the robbers had taken possession of the 
barge, began to make every demonstration of uncontrolla- 
ble joy. He danced, sang, laughed, and soon induced his 
captors to believe that they had liberated him from irk- 
some slavery, and that his actions were the ebullitions of 
pleasure. His constant attention to their smallest wants 
and wishes, too, won their confidence; and whilst they 
kept a watchful eye on the other prisoners, they permitted 
him to roam through the vessel unmolested and un- 
watched. This was the state of things that the negro 



62 THE BRAVE CACASOTTE. 

desired. He seized the first opportunity to speak to Mr. 
Beausoliel, and beg permission to rid him of the danger- 
ous intruders. He laid his plan before his master, who, 
after a great deal of hesitation, acceded to it. Cacasotte 
then spoke to two of the crew, likewise negroes, and en- 
gaged them in the conspiracy. Cacasotte was cook, and 
it was agreed between him and his fellow conspirators, 
that the signal for dinner should be the signal for action. 
The hour of dinner at length arrived; The robbers as- 
sembled in considerable numbers on the deck, and sta- 
tioned themselves at the bow and stern, and along the 
sides, to prevent any rising of the men. Cacasotte went 
among them with the most unconcerned look and de- 
meanor imaginable. As soon as he perceived that his 
comrades had taken the stations he had assigned to them, 
he took his position at the bow of the boat, near one of 
the robbers, a stout, herculean man, who was armed cap- 
a-pie. Every thing being arranged to his satisfaction, 
Cacasotte gave the preconcerted signal, and immediately 
the robber near him was struggling in the waters. With 
the speed of lightning, he went from one robber to an- 
other, and in less than three minutes, he had thrown 
fourteen of them overboard. Then seizing an oar, he 
struck on the head those who attempted to save them- 
selves by grappling the running boards, then shot with 
the muskets that had been dropped on deck, those who 
swam away. In the mean time, the other conspirators 
were not idle, but did almost as much execution as their 
leader. The deck was soon cleared, and the robbers that 
remained below, were too few in number to offer any re- 
sistance. 

Having got rid of his troublesome visitors, Mr. Beau- 
soleil deemed it prudent to return to New Orleans. This 
he accordingly did, taking care when he arrived near the 



mSPERSION OP THE ROBBERS. 63 

Cottonwood creek, to keep the opposite side of the river, 
He reached New Orleans, and gave an account of his 
capture and liberation to the governor, who thereupon 
issued an order, that the boats bound for St. Louis in the 
following spring, should all go in company, to afford mu- 
tual assistance in case of necessity. Spring came, and ten 
keel-boats, each provided with swivels, and their respective 
crews well armed, took their departure from New Orleans, 
determined, if possible, to destroy the nest of robbers. 
When they neared the Cottonwood creek, the foremost 
boat perceived several men near the mouth, among the 
trees. The anchor was dropped, and she waited until the 
other boats should come up. In a few moments they 
appeared, and a consultation was held, in which it was 
determined that a sufficient number of men should remain 
on board, whilst the others should proceed on shore to 
attack the robbers. The boats were rowed to shore in a 
line, and those appointed for that purpose, landed and 
began to search the island in quest of the robbers, but in 
vain ! They had disappeared. Three or four flat-boats 
were found in a bend of the creek, laden with all kinds 
of valuable merchandise — the fruits of their depredations. 
A long low hut was discovered — the dwelling of the rob- 
bers — in which were stowed away numerous cases of guns, 
(destined for the fur trade,) ammunition and provisions 
of all kinds. The greater part of these things were put 
on board the boats, and restored to their respective owners, 
at St. Louis. 

This proceeding had the effect of dispersing the robbers, 
for they were never after heard of. The arrival of ten 
barges together at St. Louis, was an unusual spectacle, 
and the year 1788 has ever since been called the year of 
the ten boats. 

As we do not design to speak of the history of the 



64 EARLY SETTLERS. 

French settlements in minute detail, we shall only add 
that there were several others, cotemporaneous with those 
which we have mentioned, the chief of which were Detroit 
and Vincennes. The former was founded in 1670, the 
latter in 1702. The manners and habits of the people, 
and their adventures, were similar to those we have de- 
scribed ; except that Detroit, being situated at a more 
exposed point, and surrounded by warlike tribes, who were 
engaged in hostilities with each other, experienced more 
of the vicissitudes of war. 

The French seem to have been mainly induced to pene- 
trate into these remote regions, in search of the precious 
metals ; an eager desire for which had been awakened in 
Europe by the discoveries of the Spaniards in South Ame- 
rica, and by a general belief of the existence of similar 
treasures on the northern continent. That such was the 
fact, is sufficiently proved by the frequent mention of 
mines and minerals, in all the charters and larger grants 
of territory made by the French crown, as well as by the 
numerous and expensive efforts of individuals and com- 
panies, in the pursuit of the precious ores. 

The leaders in these enterprises were gentlemen of edu- 
cation and talents, who had no inducements to remain in 
these remote settlements, after the disappointment of their 
hopes, and either returned to France, or settled in Lower 
Louisiana, where they found a more genial climate than 
in the higher latitudes. The remainder were pacific and 
illiterate rustics, who brought no property, nor enter- 
tained any ambitious views. Few of them had come 
prepared for either agricultural or commercial pursuits, 
and when the dreams of sudden wealth, with which they 
had been deluded, faded from before them., they were not 
disposed to engage in the ordinary employments of en- 
lightened industry. Perhaps the inducement, as well as 



INDOLENCE OF THE FRENCH. 65 

the means,, was wanting. There was little encouragement 
for agriculture, where there was no market for produce ; 
there could be but few arts, and but little commerce, at 
points so distant from the abodes of civilized men. They 
were besides an unenterprising and contented race, who 
were ignorant of the prolific resources of the country 
around them, and destitute of the slightest perception of 
its probable destiny — its rapid advancement in population 
and improvement. Whatever might have been the views 
of their government, the French settlers indulged no am- 
bitious visions, and laid no plans, either for territorial 
aggrandisement, or political domination. They made no 
attempt to acquire land from the Indians, to organize a 
social system, to introduce municipal regulations, or to 
establish military defences ; but cheerfully obeyed the 
priests and the king's officers, and enjoyed the present, 
without troubling their heads about the future. They 
seem to have been even careless as to the acquisition of 
property, and its transmission to their heirs. Finding 
themselves in a fruitful country, abounding in game, 
where the necessaries of life could be procured with little 
labor, where no restraints were imposed by government, 
and neither tribute nor personal service was exacted, they 
were content to live in unambitious peace, and comfort- 
able poverty. They took possession of so much of the 
vacant land around them, as they were disposed to till, 
and no more. Their agriculture was rude; and even to 
this day, some of the implements of husbandry, and 
modes of cultivation, brought from France a century ago, 
remain unchanged by the march of mind, or the hand of 
innovation. Their houses were comfortable, and they 
reared fruits and flowers; evincing, in this respect, an 
attention to comfort and luxury, which has not been 
practiced among the English or American first settlers; 
6 N 



66 THEIR EMPLOYMENTS. 

but in the accumulation of property, and in all the essen- 
tials of industry, they were indolent and improvident, 
rearing only the bare necessaries of life, and living from 
generation to generation without change or improvement. 
The only new arts which the French adopted, in conse- 
quence of their change of residence, were those con- 
nected with the fur trade. The few who were engaged 
in merchandise, turned their attention almost exclusively 
to the traffic with the Indians, while a large number 
became hunters and boatmen. The voyageurs, e?igagees, 
and couriers ales hois, as they are called, form a peculiar 
race of men. They are active, sprightly, and remarkably 
expert in their vocation. With all the vivacity of the 
French character, they have little of the intemperance 
and brutal coarseness usually found among boatmen and 
mariners. They are patient of fatigue, and endure an 
astonishing degree of toil and exposure to weather. Ac- 
customed to live in the open air, they pass through every 
extreme, and all the sudden vicissitudes of climate, with 
little apparent inconvenience. Their boats are managed 
with expertness, and even grace, and their toil enlivened 
by the song. As hunters, they have roved over the whole 
of the wide plain of the west, to the Rocky mountains, 
sharing the hospitality of the Indian, abiding for long 
periods, and even permanently, with the tribes, and 
sometimes seeking their alliance by marriage. As boat- 
men, they navigate the birch canoe to the sources of the 
longest rivers, and pass from one river to another, by 
laboriously carrying the packages of merchandise, and 
the boat itself, across mountains, or through swamps or 
woods, so that no obstacle stops their progress. Like 
the Indian, they can live on game, without condiment or 
bread ; like him, they sleep in the open air, or plunge 
into the water at any season, without injury. 



INDIAN STRATAGEM. 67 

The French had also a fort on the Ohio, about thirty- 
six miles above the junction of that river with the Mis- 
sissippi, of which the Indians obtained possession by a 
singular stratagem. A number of them appeared in the 
day-time on the opposite side of the river, each covered 
with a bear-skin, walking on all-fours, and imitating the 
motions of that animal. The French supposed them to 
be bears, and a party crossed the river in pursuit of 
them. The remainder of the troops left their quarters, 
and resorted to the bank of the river, in front of the 
garrison, to observe the sport. In the meantime a large 
body of Indian warriors, who were concealed in the 
woods near by, came silently up behind the fort, entered 
it without opposition, and very few of the French escaped 
the carnage. They afterwards built another fort on the 
same ground, which they called Massacre, in memory of 
this disastrous event, and which retained the name of 
Fort Massac, after it had passed into the hands of the 
American government. 

The history of Louisiana is full of romance, but as we 
have only designed to touch upon the small portion of it 
which is properly embraced within our limits, by being 
connected with that of the settlements upon the Ohio and 
Mississippi, we shall not wander further into that field. 
And had we been so disposed, we should not now ven- 
ture to encroach upon the ground so satisfactorily occu- 
pied by the Hon. Charles Grayarre, in his Romance of the 
History of Louisiana, which has appeared since the pub- 
lication of the first edition of this work. 



68 SETTLEMENTS ON THE OHIO. 



CHAPTER III. 



Settlements on the Ohio — Early movements in Virginia — Views of 
Gov. Spots wood — Settlement of Pittsburgh — Travels of Carver — ■ 
Expedition of Dunmore. 

While the French were engaged in exploring and oc- 
cupying the region of the Mississippi, the shores of the 
Ohio remained, for a series of years, unnoticed. Between 
them and the English colonists there was a wide expanse 
of country, of the extent and value of which they seemed 
alike ignorant. We have seen that the former spoke 
vaguely of the Wabash, as a river "coming from the 
country of the Iroquois towards New England," and the 
latter only knew of the West as a wilderness beyond the 
mountains. A natural transition, therefore, brings us to 
the period when our own immediate ancestors began to 
become acquainted with the importance of that country 
which was destined to be the richest inheritance of their 
children. 

It is not our design to trace the footsteps of the 
pioneers through all their wanderings, to depict their 
personal adventures, or to describe their various conflicts 
with the savage tribes. These minute details, however 
interesting, must be left to other hands. We shall only 
attempt a rapid summary of a few prominent events. 

We have no means of ascertaining how the early 
English colonists became impressed with a sense of the 



EARLY MOVEMENTS IN VIRGINIA. 69 

importance of the country west of the mountains, or what 
was the extent of their knowledge. It was probably de- 
rived chiefly from the French, who were not solicitous to 
publish their discoveries, and came with all the vagueness 
of rumor, and all the exaggerations of surmise. Certain 
it is, that a belief was entertained in Virginia, at a very 
early period, of the existence of a wide and fertile terri- 
tory beyond the mountains; and the English governors 
cast a jealous eye at the movements of the French in 
that direction. In 1719, Law's celebrated Mississippi 
Bcheme was at the climax of its popularity; and this 
event, if no other had previously attracted notice, must 
have turned the attention of our ancestors to that region. 

In a work entitled " The Present State of Virginia, 
by Hugh Jones, A. M., chaplain to the honorable assem- 
bly, and minister of Jamestown," printed in 1724, we 
find the following information : 

" Governor Spotswood, when he undertook the great 
discovery of the passage of the mountains, attended with 
sufficient guard of pioneers and gentlemen, with sufficient 
stock of provisions, with abundant fatigue passed these 
mountains, and cut his majesty's name in a rock upon 
the highest of them, naming it Mount George; and in 
complaisance, the gentlemen, from the governor's name, 
called the mountain next in hight, Mount Alexander. 

"For this expedition they were obliged to provide a 
great quantity of horse-shoes, (things seldom used in the 
lower part of the country, where there are few stones,) 
upon which account the governor, upon their return, 
presented each of his companions with a golden horse- 
shoe, (some of which I have seen studded with valuable 
stones, resembling the heads of nails,) with this inscrip- 
tion on one side: sic juvat transcendere monies; and on 
the other is written, The Tramontane Order. 



70 VIEWS OF GOV. SPOTSWOOD. 

" This he instituted to encourage gentlemen to venture 
back, and make discoveries and new settlements ; any 
gentleman being entitled to wear this golden shoe, who 
can prove his having drunk his majesty's health upon 
Mount George." 

These facts, the accuracy of which we have no reason 
to doubt, are very curious. One hundred years ago, the 
region that we inhabit was almost unknown, and entirely 
inaccessible to the inhabitants of Virginia. Governor 
Spotswood "undertook the great discovery," in a spirit 
of enterprise similar to that which prompted the ardent 
genius of Columbus; we can imagine the preparation, 
the pomp, pride, and circumstance, which must have pre- 
ceded and attended this novel enterprise. The colonial 
governor was no doubt arrayed in all the imposing in- 
signia of vice-royalty. A body of pioneers preceded his 
march, guards surrounded his person, and a long train 
of pack-horses carried tents and provisions. The chival- 
rous gentry of Virginia pressed forward, with a noble 
emulation, to share in the dangerous adventure. They 
had long looked towards the blue summits of the distant 
mountains, that lined their western frontier, with intense 
curiosity; and perhaps had ventured singly, or in small 
parties, to the bases of these rocky acclivities, which 
seemed to present an impassible barrier against the 
advance of civilized man. Now they came prepared to 
scale the ramparts of nature, to discover new lands, and 
to extend the empire of their king into new regions. 
u With abundant fatigue," they reached the summit of 
one of these ridges, and looked back in admiration upon 
the broad plains and wooded valleys of the ancient 
dominion. But we do not learn that they obtained a 
glimpse of the fertile west ; and knowing, as we now do, 
that the Alleghany chain consists of a number of parallel 



VIEWS OF GOV. SPOTSWOOD. 71 

ridges, occupying a space of more than sixty miles in 
width, we suppose it probable that they did not penetrate 
far into these mountainous recesses. It is even possible 
that one of the lesser range, called the " Blue Mountains," 
might have been the limit of their travels. 

They little dreamed of the breadth, the length, and the 
resources, of the great valley whose verge they had 
approached ; nor imagined that a region lay beyond them, 
wrapped in the silent splendor of unbroken forests, which, 
in extent, beauty, and magnificence, far exceeded the 
territories previously subdued by our ancestors, at so 
great an expenditure of life and wealth. They were, 
perhaps, not even aware that the French were even then 
building forts and villages, planting the grape, and play- 
ing the violin, upon the borders of the Mississippi. Still 
less could they foresee the changes which a century 
would produce ; that great States would grow up beyond 
these mountains, upon which, with so much triumph, they 
drank his majesty's health — that stages and pleasure- 
carriages would be rapidly whirled over these Alpine 
precipices — and that fashionable parties would resort in 
crowds to watering-places, in the romantic valleys of the 
Alleghany chain. 

In 1739, at the commencement of the war between 
Great Britain and Spain, Spotswood, who was no longer 
governor, was placed at the head of the colonial troops of 
Virginia, and assured that his favorite project of occupy- 
ing the regions watered by the Ohio, should be carried 
into immediate operation. Some preparations were made, 
and the spirit of adventure was again awakened in Vir- 
ginia; but the death of Spotswood caused the enterprise 
to be abandoned. 

The situation of Pittsburgh, at the head of the Ohio, 
and at the confluence of the Monongahela and Alleghany 



72 SETTLEMENT OF PITTSBURGH. 

rivers, was probably first noticed for its military, rather 
than its commercial advantages. When the French de- 
termined to establish a chain of posts from Canada to 
Louisiana, one of the most important was Fort du Quesne, 
situated at this point. It did not escape the military eye 
of Washington, when he visited this country several years 
before the revolution, on a mission from the government 
of Virginia ; and, in his dispatches, he spoke of its im- 
portance with a prophetic spirit. During the struggle 
which is commonly called " Braddock's War," in 1755, 
Fort du Quesne changed masters; and the English, aban- 
doning the original work, which was probably a mere 
stockade, built a more regular fortification on a site imme- 
diately adjoining, which they named Fort Pitt. This post, 
erected on a low point of land, and commanded by hills on 
every side, would appear, to a soldier of the present day, 
to have been untenable, and consequently useless ; nor 
can the reasons of its original establishment and subse- 
quent importance be ascertained, without recurring to the 
history of those times. As a place of deposit for military 
stores, it possesses singular advantages in the facilities 
which it affords for their transportation — as there is no 
other spot from which they could have been distributed 
with equal celerity, or over so large an extent of country. 
Nor was its situation, with regard to defense, so desperate 
as we might at first imagine. It is to be recollected that 
in those days there was little or no artillery west of the 
mountains; and that it was considered as almost impos- 
sible to pass the Alleghany ridge with a carriage of any 
description. There was little reason to apprehend that 
any ordnance would be brought to assail the ramparts 
of that insulated fortress, which seemed destined to assert 
the sway of Britain over a boundless wilderness. But, 
notwithstanding this imaginary security, the works, of 



SETTLEMENT OF PITTSBURGH. 73 

which there are extensive ruins still visible, seem to have 
been built after the usual fashion of that period, and to 
have had the strength, as well as the form, of a regular 
fortification. A bomb-proof magazine was extant a few 
years ago, in good preservation. This fort is said to have 
been built by Lord Stanwin, and to have cost the British 
government sixty thousand pounds sterling. As it would 
seem, by placing it at this exposed spot, that an attack by 
artillery was not apprehended; and as, if such an attack 
had been made, resistance would have been vain, it is diffi- 
cult to conceive what could have been the motives of the 
builders in giving it such strength and regularity. We 
must either suppose that their military habits prevailed 
over the better dictates of prudence, or that they intended 
to impress their Indian neighbors with an exalted opinion 
of their security and power. It is said that, shortly after 
the English took possession, the Indian traders built a 
row of fine brick houses on the margin of the Alleghany, 
but that their foundation was sapped by the encroach- 
ments of the river; no vestige of them remains. About 
the year 1760, a small town was built near Fort Pitt, 
which contained nearly two hundred souls; but on the 
breaking out of the Indian war, in 1763, the inhabitants 
retired into the fort, and their dwellings were suffered to 
fall into decay. The British ofiicers had some fine gardens 
here, called the "King's," and "Artillery" gardens, and 
large orchards of choice fruit. The old inhabitants of the 
present town recollect them; but there are now no remains 
of these early attempts at luxury and comfort. 

After Fort Pitt came into the possession of the Ameri- 
cans, it was occupied but for a short time, when the 
garrison was removed to a spot about a mile further up, 
on the Alleghany river, where a picket-work and block- 
houses were erected, and called Fort Fayette. This post 



74 TRAVELS OF CARVER. 

was occupied by the United States troops until the erec- 
tion, within a few years past, of the arsenal, two miles 
further up. 

Pittsburgh was first laid out in the year 1765; it was 
afterwards laid out, surveyed, and completed on its present 
plan, in 1784, by Colonel George Woods, by order of 
Tench Francis, Esq., attorney for John Penn, and John 
Penn, junior. The increase of the town was not rapid 
until the year 1793, in consequence of the inroads of the 
savage tribes, which impeded the growth of the neighbor- 
ing settlements. The western insurrection, more gene- 
rally known as the "Whisky War," once more made this 
the scene of commotion, and is said to have given Pitts- 
burgh a new and reviving impulse, by throwing a con- 
siderable sum of money into circulation. Since that time 
it has increased rapidly, and is now an important manu- 
facturing city. 

In 1765, John Carver explored the western country, 
confining himself chiefly to the regions in the vicinity of 
the northern lakes. He was a native of Connecticut, and 
a captain in the British army. After having spent two 
years and a half in dangerous and painful wanderings, 
and traveled seven thousand miles, he went to England 
with his family, in 1769, indulging the expectation of 
being rewarded for his labors. But the difficulties then 
existing between Great Britain and her colonies, induced 
the former to suppress every thing that tended to give 
information of the power, wealth, and future prospects 
of this country; and Captain Carver obtained merely a 
reimbursement of the sums he had actually expended on 
his travels, on condition of delivering up the original jour- 
nals to the board of trade. He took care, however, to 
keep a copy, which he published several years afterwards. 



GENERAL INDIAN WAR. 75 



CHAPTEE IY. 



War of 1763 — Peace of 1764 — Settlements in western Virginia — 
Early land titles — Value of land — War of 1774 — Lewis's expe- 
dition — Dunmore's treaty — Heroism of Cornstalk — Character of 
General Lewis. 

The years 1763 and 1764 are memorable for the wide 
extent and destructive results of an atrocious war of ' 
extermination, carried on by a combination of all the 
Indian tribes of the western country, against the whole 
of the frontier settlements of Virginia, Pennsylvania, and 
North Carolina. 

The peace of 1763, by which the whole of Canada was j 
ceded to Great Britain, was particularly unacceptable to 
the Indians, who disliked the English, and preferred the 
French to all other Europeans; and who were especially 
averse to this measure, because it was understood that 
the British claimed all the country west of the mountains. 
They recognized no distinction between jurisdiction and 
possession, and supposed that having gained Canada, the \ 
English would proceed to settle both that and the western 
plains, as rapidly as might suit their own convenience. 

The erection of new forts, and improvement of those 
which had been established at Pittsburgh, Bedford, Li- 
gonier, Niagara, Detroit, Presque Isle, St. Joseph, and 
Michilimackinac, confirmed this supposition ; and the 
Indians finding themselves curbed by a strong line of 



76 PEACE CONCLUDED. 

forts, which threatened an extension of the white popu- 
: lation into the heart of their country, took up arms with 
alacrity, for the defence of their hunting grounds, and 
for the prosecution of a more decisive contest than any 
in which they had been heretofore engaged. They 
resolved on the general massacre of all the English 
settlers west of the mountains, as well as those in the 
region of the Susquehanna, to which they laid claim. 
f Never was a war carried on with more cunning and 
i ferocity ; and on no occasion did the Indian warriors 
exhibit a greater degree of military skill, and dauntless 
courage, than in this war, which was especially marked 
by all the horrors of savage malignity — the burning of 
I houses, the massacre of women and children, and the 
torture of prisoners. The English traders were the first 
victims: of one hundred and twenty of these, scattered 
[ among the Indian tribes, only three escaped. The forts 
at Presque Isle, St. Joseph, and Mackinac, were sur- 
prised, and their garrisons slaughtered, while the other 
posts were maintained with great difficulty. 

Detroit and Fort Pitt, being the most important posts, 
their capture was attempted with great eagerness, and a 
series of military operations occurred at these places, 
which we shall not repeat, as they have been related in 
detail in the general histories of those times. 

This war was concluded in the latter part of 1764, by 
a treaty made at the German flats, by Sir William John- 
stone ; and a peace of nearly ten years' continuance 
[ ensued, during which the settlements on the Mononga- 
hela increased with great rapidity. 

The settlements in western Virginia and Pennsylvania 
began to attract notice, along the Monongahela, and be- 
tween that river and the Laurel Ridge, in the year 1772, 
and reached the Ohio in the succeeding year. The forts 



LAND TITLES. 77 

at Redstone, now Brownsville, and at Wheeling, were ' 
among the first and most conspicuous. The settlers were \ 
chiefly from Maryland and Virginia; and the route they 
pursued was the scarcely practicable path called " Brad- 
dock's trail," which they traveled with no better means of 
conveyance for their furniture and provisions, than that 
afforded by pack-horses. 

Another, but less numerous emigration, came from 
Pennsylvania, by way of Bedford and Fort Ligonier, to 
Fort Pitt, which was then supposed to be within the 
charter of Virginia. 

The great object of most of these persons was to 
obtain the possession of land; the title to which cost 
little more than the payment of office fees. The Indian 
title was not then considered, by individuals, as present- 
ing any obstacle, and Virginia confirmed the titles of 
settlers, with no other restrictions than such as were 
necessary to prevent the confusion of interfering claims. 
At an early period, that State appointed three commis- 
sioners to give certificates of settlement rights, which 
were sent with the surveyor's plot to the land-office, 
where they remained six months, to await the interpo- 
sition of caveats, by other claimants, to the same land. 
If none were offered within that period, the patents were 
issued. 

There was an inferior kind of title invented by those 
rude borderers, called a "tomahawk-right," which was 
made by deadening a few trees near a spring, and mark- 
ing others, by cutting in the bark the initials of the 
person who thus took possession. This ceremony con- 
ferred no legal property, but was respected by the settlers 
as establishing a priority of claim, with which it was: 
discreditable to interfere. These rights were therefore 
often bought and sold, because those who wished to 



78 SETTLEMENT RIGHTS. — ANECDOTE. 

secure favorite tracts of land, chose to buy the toma- 
hawk improvements, rather than quarrel with the persons 
who had made them. 

The settlement right at that time, was limited to four 
hundred acres ; and many of the primitive settlers seemed 
to regard this amount of the surface of the earth, as the 
allotment of Divine Providence for a single family, and 
believed that it would be sinful to monopolize a larger 
quantity. Most of them contented themselves with that 
number of acres, and those who evaded the law by avail- 
ing themselves of the names of others, to obtain more 
I than one settler's portion, were held in disrepute. It 
was thought that when an individual had gained as much 
land as was necessary to support his family, the remain- 
der belonged of right to whoever might choose to settle 
upon it.* 

An authentic anecdote is related of a worthy pioneer 
in western Virginia, who, in addition to his improvement 
right, became lawfully seized in fee simple, of an adjoin- 
ing tract of two hundred acres; but being a pious and 
upright man, and thinking it wrong to appropriate to 
himself more than he considered the lawful share of one 
individual, his conscience would not permit him to retain 
it in his family. He gave it therefore to a young man 
who had been his apprentice ; and the latter sold it for 
a cow and calf, and a wool hat. 

The division lines between those whose lands adjoined, 
were amicably arranged between the parties, previous to 
any actual survey ; and in making this partition, they 
were chiefly guided by the tops of the ridges, and the 
water-courses, but particularly the former. Hence a 
large number of the farms in western Pennsylvania and 

* Doddridge's Notes. 



EARLY SETTLERS. 79 

Virginia., bear a striking resemblance to an amphitheater. 
The buildings occupy a low situation, near a spring, and 
the tops of the surrounding hills are the boundaries of 
the tract. The farmers prided themselves in an arrange- 
ment, which they alleged to be attended with the con- 
venience, "that every thing came to the house down hill." 
The tracts of land in Ohio, and the other States west of 
the Ohio river, having been laid out by parallel lines, 
the farms do not present this peculiarity. 

The pioneers placed little value upon their lands, in 
consequence of an apprehension that the soil would soon 
"wear out," or become impoverished by culture. They 
were unaccustomed to the use of manure, and wholly 
unacquainted with the modern system of agriculture, by 
which the exhaustion of the fertilizing juices of the soil 
is remedied ; and had they known them, would have 
been disinclined to the labor of such careful husbandry. 
This is one of the most obvious causes of their migratory j 
habits. 

The race of pioneers inhabiting the head waters of 
the Ohio, had some peculiarities, which distinguish them 
from those of Kentucky, which we shall point out in 
another place. At present we shall proceed to give a 
rapid outline of the historical events which attended the 
first settlement of this part of the west. 

The destructive war that broke out in 1774, and threw t 
the whole frontier into consternation, was provoked by 
the misconduct of the whites. In the spring of that 
year, a rumor was circulated that the Indians had stolen 
several horses from some land speculators, who were 
exploring the shores of the Ohio and Kanawha rivers.' 
No evidence of the fact was produced, and the report 
has since been considered to have been false. It was, 
however, believed at the time, and produced a general 



80 HISTORICAL EVENTS. 

impression that the Indians were about to take up the 
hatchet against the frontier settlements. The land job- 
bers ascended the river, and collected at Wheeling, at 
'which place was a small station commanded by Captain 
Cressap. 

Here a scene of confusion and high excitement ensued. 
The report that a canoe containing two Indians, was ap- 
proaching, Was sufficient to kindle up the incipient fires 
of hatred and revenge. Captain Cressap proposed to take 
a party, and intercept the Indians;* while Colonel Zane, 
the proprietor of the place, decidedly objected to any act 
of hostility on the part of the whites, on the grounds 
that the killing of these Indians would bring on a gene- 
ral war, while the act itself would be a criminal murder, 
which would disgrace the names of the perpetrators. On 
the frontier, the counsels of humanity and peace are not 
often regarded as those of wisdom. The party set out, 
and being asked on their return, what had become of the 
Indians, the cool reply was, that "they had fallen over- 
board !" The fate of the savage warriors was not long 
a secret; the canoe was found bloody, and pierced with 
bullets; the tribes flew to arms, and a sanguinary war was 
the immediate consequence of this and other acts of un- 
provoked outrage. One of these was an atrocious attack 
upon a party of Indians encamped at the mouth of 
Captina creek, committed by thirty-two men under the 
command of Daniel Greathouse. On the same day on 
which the murder occurred which we have just described, 
another was perpetrated at Yellow creek, by the same 
party. 

The whole family of the celebrated, but unfortunate 
Logan, were comprehended in the massacres at Captina 

* Doddridge. 



INDIAN WAR. 81 

and Yellow creeks; and he who had always been the 
friend of the whites, and the efficient advocate of peace, 
was converted by the lawless acts of a few unprincipled 
individuals, into an active and daring enemy. 

Those alone who have resided upon the frontier, are 
aware of the thrill of terror, spread by such an event, 
among the scattered inhabitants of the border. Antici- 
pating immediate retaliation, and not knowing at what 
moment, or from what quarter, the blow may come, the 
panic spreads with the rapidity of the wind. Bold and 
hardy as the borderers are, when traversing the forest 
alone in pursuit of game, or when assembled for battle, 
they cannot, at the first rumor of an Indian war, avoid 
quailin'g under the anticipated terrors of a sudden inroad 
of savage hostility. They know that their enemy will 
steal upon them in the night, in the unguarded hour of 
repose, and that the innocent child and helpless female 
will derive no protection from their sex or weakness; 
and they shrink at the idea of a violated fireside, and a 
slaughtered family. The man who may be cool, when 
his own life alone is exposed to danger, or whose spirit 
may kindle into enthusiastic gallantry, amid the anima- 
ting scenes of the battle-field, where armed men are his 
companions and his foes — becomes panic-struck at the, 
contemplation of a merciless warfare which shall offer 
his dwelling to the firebrand of the incendiary, and his 
family to the tomahawk of the infuriated savage. 

Such was the effect of the unadvised and criminal acts 
which we have related. A sudden consternation per- 
vaded the whole frontier. A war, unwelcome, unexpected,' 
and for which they were wholly unprepared, was sud-' 
denly precipitated upon them by the unbridled passions 
of a few lawless men ; and a foe always quick to resent, 
and ever eager to shed the blood of the white race, was 



82 PREPARATIONS FOR DEFENCE. 

roused to a revenge which he would not delay in ob- 
taining. The settlers began to remove to the interior, 
or collect in log forts hastily erected for the occasion. 
Men who had acquired homes by years of perilous 
and toilsome labor, who had plied the axe incessantly 
in clearing away the immense trees of the forest, in 
making fences, in building houses, in disencumbering 
the land of its tangled thickets, and bringing it into 
culture, abandoned all, and fled in precipitation to places 
of safety. In every path might be seen the sturdy 
pioneer, striding lustily forward, with his rifle on his 
shoulder, casting wary glances into each suspicious dell 
and covert; and followed by a train of pack-horses, 
burthened with his wife, his children, and such movables 
as could be transported by this mode of conveyance. 

After a few days, the whole scene was changed. The 
frontier, so lately peaceful, had become the seat of war. 
The fields of the husbandman were ravaged by the Indian; 
the cabins were burned, and the labors of many years 
desolated. The few settlers that incautiously remained 
in their homes, were slaughtered, or with difficulty rescued 
3 by their friends. The prudent men, whose backs had 
lately been turned upon the foe, having placed their fami- 
lies in security, were now seen in arms, either defending 
the rude fortresses, or eagerly scouring the woods in 
search of the enemy. However reluctantly they had been 
forced into the war, they had now entered into the spirit 
of the contest ; the inconveniences they had suffered, the 
danger of their families, and the sight of their desolated 
hearths and blasted fields, had awakened in their bosoms 
a hatred not less implacable than that of their savage 
foemen. 

Expresses were sent to Williamsburgh, the seat of 
government of Virginia, announcing the commencement 



BATTLE OP POINT PLEASANT. 83 

of hostilities, and a plan was immediately matured, for a 
campaign against the Indians. The active commander 
was General Lewis, of Botetourte county. The forces 
were to rendezvous in Greenbriar county. The Earl of 
Dunrnore was to raise another army, to be assembled at 
Fort Pitt, and thence to descend the river to Point 
Pleasant, at the mouth of the Kenawa. 

On the eleventh of September, General Lewis, with 
eleven hundred men, commenced his march from his ren- 
dezvous in Greenbriar for Point Pleasant, distant one 
hundred and sixty miles. The country to be traversed, 
was at that time a trackless desert, wholly impassable for 
wheeled carriages ; the ammunition and provisions were 
carried on pack-horses; and the army, led by a guide 
acquainted with the passes of the mountains and the In- 
dian pathways, reached Point Pleasant after a laborious 
march of nineteen days. 

Lord Dunrnore, to the great disappointment of General 
Lewis, did not make his appearance, and it was not until 
after a painful delay of nine days, that he learned by an 
express from that nobleman, that he had changed his plan 
of operations, and marched for the old Chillicothe town, at 
which place he instructed General Lewis to join him. 

On the next day, the Virginia troops were attacked in 
their camp, by a numerous body of Indians, composed of 
the Shawnee, Delaware, Mingo, and other tribes. General 
Lewis, keeping a strong reserve in camp, pushed forward 
a detachment, under Colonels Charles Lewis and Flem- ! 
ming, who met the Indians about four hundred yards in 
front of the camp, and formed in two lines for their re- 
ception. The battle commenced a little after sunrise, by 
a heavy firing from the Indians, and so vigorous was the 
onset, that the advance was soon driven in upon the main 
body. Here they were rallied, reinforced, and led gal- 



84 BRAVERY OF CORNSTALK. 

lantly back to their former position. The Indians were 
now driven until they entrenched themselves behind a 
line of logs and trees, extending from the bank of the 
Ohio to that of the Kenawa, while our troops occupied 
'the point of land formed by the junction of the two rivers. 
' The brave Virginians, thus hemmed in, with rivers in their 
rear and on either flank, and a vindictive foe strongly 
intrenched in their front, were dependent on their courage 
alone for success. Their native gallantry, ably directed 
by the military skill of their distinguished leader, proved 
triumphant. The battle was kept up with great vivacity, 
and with little change of position, during the whole day, 
and at sunset the discomfited savages retreated across the 
Ohio. 

Our loss in this sanguinary battle was seventy-five 
killed, and one hundred and forty wounded. Among the 
killed were Colonels Charles Lewis, and Fields ; Captains 
Buford, Murray, Ward, Wilson, and M'Clenahan ; Lieuts. 
Allen, Goldsby, Dillon ; and some inferior officers. 

The number of Indians engaged was never ascertained ; 
but it was rendered certain that their loss was at least 
equal to ours. They were commanded by Cornstalk, the 
celebrated chief warrior of the Shawnese, who displayed 
the most consummate skill and bravery. During the 
whole of the day, his voice was heard vociferating, with 
terrific energy, in his own language — "Be strong! be 
strong !" 

On the evening preceding the battle, he had proposed 
in a council of his confederates, to go personally to the 
camp of Gen. Lewis, to negotiate a peace. A majority of 
the warriors voted against the measure. "Then," said the 
intrepid leader, "since you are resolved to fight, you shall 
fight. It is likely we shall have hard work to-morrow ; 
but if any warrior shall attempt to run away from the 



CORNSTALK SUES FOR PEACE. 85 

battle, I will kill Mm with my own hand." It is said that 
he literally fulfilled this threat upon one of his followers. 

After the Indians had returned to the Chillicothe town, 
Cornstalk again called a council. He reminded the war 
chiefs of their obstinacy in preventing him from making 
peace before the fatal battle of Point Pleasant, and asked, 
"What shall we do now? The Loog Knives are coming 
upon us Jby two routes. Shall we turn out and fight 
them?" All were silent. He again addressed them: 
"Shall we kill all our squaws and children, and then fight 
until we shall all be killed ourselves?" Again a dead si- 
lence reigned among the stern leaders of the Indian host. 
He rose up, with the dignity of one who felt that he had 
discharged his duty, and striking his tomahawk into the 
war-post in the middle of the council-house, said, "Since 
you are not inclined to fight, I will go and make peace." 
He did so. 

In the meanwhile, Lord Dunmore descended the river 
to Wheeling ; and thence proceeded, with about a hundred 
canoes, a few keel boats, and some pirogues, to the mouth 
of Hocking, from which place he marched to a point 
within eight miles of Chillicothe, on the Sciota. Here the 
army halted, and threw up intrenchments of fallen trees 
and earth, which included about twelve acres, with an in- 
closure of strong breast-works in the center, containing 
about one acre. The latter, as an early writer significantly 
remarks, "was the citadel which contained the markees of 
the earl and his superior officers." — Doddridge. 

Before the army reached this place, the Indian chiefs 
had sent several messages, suing for peace, which Lord 
Dunmore resolved to grant. He therefore ordered General 
Lewis to retreat. The brave Virginian, disregarding this 
mandate, continued his march until he joined his superior, 
when the order was repeated, and obeyed. The troops 



86 THE SPEECH OF LOGAN. 

were greatly chagrined at this termination of a campaign 
which had thus far been so successful. The murder of 
some of their relatives and friends, and the loss of many 
of their brave companions in the recent battle, had kindled 
a desire for revenge, which they were disposed to indulge 
by the destruction of all the Indian towns in the region 
of the Sciota. The order of Dunmore was therefore obeyed 
with indignation, and regret, and Lewis retired towards 
Virginia, while the earl remained with his army to treat 
with the Indians. 

On this occasion, every precaution was used to guard 
against treachery, and only a limited number of chiefs, 
with a few warriors, were permitted to enter the fortified 
encampment. Cornstalk opened the discussions by an 
{ eloquent speech, in which he boldly charged the whites 
with having provoked the war, by the murders at Cap- 
tina and Yellow Creeks ; and is said to have spoken 
with such vehemence, that he was heard over the whole 
camp. 

I It was on this occasion that Logan, the Cayuga chief, 
sent to Lord Dunmore the speech which has rendered his 
name so celebrated, and which is justly considered as one 
of the finest specimens of eloquence upon record. Mr. 
Jefferson, who preserved this beautiful and affecting ef- 
fusion of native feeling, in his Notes on Virginia, has been 
accused of palming upon the world a production of his 
own, by those who have no other ground for the suspicion 
than the force and feeling of the composition itself, and 
who forget that genuine eloquence is not the offspring of 
refinement. But all doubt on this subject has long since 
been removed, by the testimony of General Gibson, of 
Pennsylvania, who interpreted the speech when delivered, 
and of other officers who were present at the treaty, and 
who many years afterwards remembered distinctly the im- 



GENERAL LEWIS. 87 

pression made upon their minds by the affecting appeal 
of the unlettered chieftain. 

General Andrew Lewis, who acted so conspicuous a 
part in this campaign, was a gentleman of whose military 
abilities General Washington entertained so high an opin- 
ion, that, when the chief command of the revolutionary 
armies was tendered to himself, he recommended that it 
should rather be given to General Lewis. 

He was the companion of Washington in the fatal cam- 
paign under Braddock, and was a captain in the detach- 
ment that fought at Little Meadows in 1752. He com- 
manded a company of Virginians, attached to Major 
Grant's regiment of Highlanders, in 1758; and, on the 
eve of the battle in which the latter was so signally de- 
feated, was ordered to the rear with his men, in order 
that he might not share the honor of the expected victory. 
There he stood with his brave Virginians, impatiently 
listening to the reports of the musketry, at a distance 
of more than a mile from the battle-ground, until the 
Europeans were defeated, and wholly exposed to the 
merciless tomahawk of the Indians ; when, without wait- 
ing for orders, he rushed to the scene of slaughter, and, 
by his coolness and skill, turned the scale of victory, 
drove back the savages, and saved the regulars from mas- 
sacre. While advancing to the rescue, he met a Scotish 
Highlander under full flight; and on enquiring of him 
how the battle was going, the panic-struck soldier replied, 
they Were " a' beaten, and he had seen Donald M' Donald 
up to his hunkers in the mud, and a' the skin aff his 
heed." 



88 EXPEDITION OF GEN. M ; INTOSH. 



CHAPTER IV. 



M'Intosh's Expedition — Fort Laurens — Moravian towns — Destruc- 
tion of the Moravians — Crawford's campaign. 

In the spring of 1778, a small body of regular troops 
was sent out for the protection of the western frontiers, 
under General M' Intosh, who built a fort on the site of 
the present town of Beaver. It was a strong stockade, 
with bastions, mounting one six-pounder. 

In the fall of that year, having received instructions to 
make a campaign against the Sandusky towns, he march- 
ed in that direction with a thousand men, but it was too 
late in the season to operate efficiently. He therefore 
erected Fort Laurens on the bank of the Tuscarawa, and 
leaving a garrison there of one hundred and fifty men, 
retired to Fort Pitt. 

The inexpediency of erecting forts so far in advance 
of the settlements, was soon experienced. In the month 
of January, the Indians came secretly in the night, and 
caught the horses that were grazing near the fort. These 
they carried off, having first taken from their necks the 
bells which the new settlers hung to their domestic ani- 
mals, in order to be able to find them when running at 
large in the woods They then formed an ambuscade by 
the side of a path leading from the fort, and in the morn- 
ing early rattled the bells in that direction. A fatigue 
party of sixteen men, who were sent out as usual to col- 



THE FORT BESIEGED. 89 

lect the "horses, fell into the snare. Fourteen were killed 
on the spot, and two taken. In the evening of that day, 
the whole Indian army, in full dress and painted for war, 
appeared on the prairie in sight of the fort, marching to- 
wards it in single file, with every martial solemnity which 
could render their appearance imposing. Their number, 
as counted from one of the bastions, was eight hundred 
and forty-seven. They encamped on a rising ground on 
the opposite side of the river from the fort, and often ap- 
proached so near as to hold conversation with our people 
— in which they deplored the war, but did not attempt to 
conceal their feelings of exasperation at the Americans for 
penetrating so far into their country. After besieging the 
fort for about six weeks, they retired; and the commander 
despatched Colonel Clark to Fort M'Intosh, with the in- 
valids, under a small escort. The Indians, anticipating 
that the garrison would be thrown off its guard by their 
retreat, had left a party lingering behind, which inter- 
cepted this little detachment, about two miles from the 
fort, and killed all but four. 

A few days after this disaster, General M'Intosh came 
to the relief of the garrison, with a body of seven hundred 
men, and a supply of provisions, of which the lately be- 
sieged party stood in great need, but the greater part of 
which was lost by an uncommon accident. When the 
relieving troops were about to enter the fort, the overjoyed 
garrison saluted them with a general discharge of mus- 
ketry, at the report of which the pack-horses, taking 
fright, broke away suddenly from their drivers, and 
dashed off through the forest at full speed — scattering the 
provisions in every direction, so that a large proportion 
of them could never be recovered. To understand fully 
the extent of this misfortune, it should be stated that the 
garrison had been for two weeks on short allowance of 



90 THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN. 

sour flour and damaged meat ; even this wretched resource 
was exhausted, and, for several days previous to the ar- 
rival of relief, they had subsisted on raw hides, and 
such roots as could be found in the woods and prairies. 
Several men had suffered death, in consequence of eating 
poisonous herbs. Such were some of the incidents of 
border warfare, and the hardships of the brave pioneers 
who led the van of civilization into our beautiful valley! 

About the year 1772, some missionaries, of the order of 
Moravian Brethren, succeeded in establishing a commu- 
nity of Indians, who embraced their faith, and who were 
collected into three villages on the Muskingum, called 
Salem, Gnaden-huetten, and Schoenbrund. What prog- 
ress they made in imparting to their converts the arts of 
civilization, and the principles of Christianity, can not 
now be satisfactorily ascertained. It is only certain that 
they induced them to live in peace, and to engage in the 
cultivation of the soil, and that they prospered so far as 
to increase their numbers to four hundred people. The 
times, however, were adverse to a fair trial of their ex- 
periment, and their location was not less unpropitious. 
Occupying a position midway between the advanced set- 
tlements of the whites, and the villages of the hostile 
Indians, and practicing a pacific demeanor which both 
parties alike despised, they were suspected by each alter- 
nately of secretly favoring the other. 

They continued, however, to be treated with some de- 
gree of respect, until the breaking out of the revolution 
in 1775, when their situation became in the highest 
degree embarrassing. Early in this contest, the British 
government enlisted under her banner the tomahawk of 
the Indian, and the whole western frontier became a scene 
of sanguinary warfare. The American colonies, barely 
able to sustain their fleets and armies on the seaboard, 



THE MORAVIANS. 91 

had neither troops nor supplies to send to the frontier. 
The pioneers defended themselves against the combined 
forces of the British and Indians, appointed their own 
officers, erected forts, and bore, unaided, the whole weight 
of the revolutionary contest. 

As they were not assisted, so they were not controlled 
by the government, and became a law unto themselves ; 
carrying on a desultory warfare, without plan, and with- 
out restraint. A lawless disposition grew up, which led 
to the perpetration of many acts that would not have 
been approved under any system of social subordination, 
or military law. 

The warfare between them and the Indians soon as- 
sumed a vindictive and merciless character; a hatred, deep, 
stern, and mutual, governed the contest, and the parties 
fought, not to conquer, but to exterminate. 

The warriors of either side, in passing the neutral vil- 
lages of the Moravians, situated midway between them, 
often found it convenient to stop, and it was no easy 
matter for that pacific community to preserve its character 
for neutrality. To avoid the suspicions of partiality was 
impossible. Even their aversion to the shedding of blood, 
led them into acts which, however humane, were incau- 
tious. On some occasions, they sent secret messages to 
the whites, to apprise them of plans, laid by the savages, 
to surprise a fort, or massacre a settlement ; and they re- 
ceived the famished prisoners who escaped from the In- 
dians, secreted and fed them, and enabled them to elude 
the pursuit of their enemies. On the other hand, the 
red warriors found a resting place in either of the Mo- 
ravian villages, whenever they claimed its hospitality, and 
perhaps experienced all the offices of charity and friend- 
ship which were extended to our people. 

It followed, as a matter of course, that whenever a 



92 MASSACRE OF MORAVIAN INDIANS. 

secret plan of one party was discovered and frustrated by 
the other, the Moravians were supposed to be the treach- 
erous betrayers; and the failure of an expedition brought 
upon them the heavy imprecations of the side which had 
met with discomfiture. All the kindness which had been 
received from them was blotted out by their alleged 
treason, or the partiality that jealous warriors suspected 
them to entertain towards their foes. 

The Moravian villages were called " The half way 
houses of the warriors ;" and this phrase began to be used 
in fierce derision, by the stern and lawless men, who de- 
spised the peaceable tillers of the soil who took neither 
side, but opened their doors alike to all comers. In 1781, 
the war chief of the Delawares apprised the missionaries 
of their danger, and urged them to remove, but they de- 
clined. In the fall of the same year, a party of three 
hundred Indians destroyed the villages, desolated the 
fields, and turned the unhappy converts to Christianity, 
into the wilderness, upon the plains of Sandusky, where 
many of them perished of famine during the ensuing 
winter. The missionaries were carried to Detroit, and 
after being strictly examined, were permitted by the 
British officers to return to their people. 

In the ensuing month of February, one hundred and 
fifty of the Moravian Indians returned to their ruined 
villages, to seek among the desolated hearth-stones, some 
remnants of their once plentiful stores of food, for their 
perishing families. Here they encountered a body of 
militia from the settlements, by whom ninety of these 
unoffending creatures were wantonly slain. A wretched 
remuant returned to their starving companions at San- 
dusky, affording a melancholy evidence of the little esti- 
mation in which the virtues of peace are held, during the 
stern excitement of a border war. 



Crawford's campaign. 03 

The celebrated campaign under Colonel Crawford, was 
undertaken in 1782, for the double purpose of completing 
the destruction of the Moravian Indians, in their new 
town at Sandusky, and of destroying the Wyandot towns 
on that river. The force employed consisted of 480 men, 
all of whom were volunteers, who were chiefly raised in 
the immediate vicinity of the Ohio. 

We shall not repeat the details of this campaign, which 
seems to have been badly planned, and not well con- 
ducted. It was a voluntary expedition gotten up by the 
people of the Virginia border, under some sudden excite- 
ment. Crawford, a brave and popular man, was selected 
as the leader, in consideration of some military experi- 
ence gained in former wars ; but he seems to have been a 
man of little energy, and of moderate ability. An act 
of insubordination on the part of the men, upon first 
meeting with a few of the enemy, satisfied him that he 
did not command their confidence, and induced him to 
indulge in melancholy forebodings, which were but too 
fatally realized. 

On the plains of Sandusky they were met by an Indian 
army, and a severe engagement ensued, which lasted from 
noon till sunset. 

The next day the number of Indians increased, and the 
encampment was surrounded by a numerous host of sav- 
ages. A retreat was resolved upon ; but even this meas- 
ure was almost impracticable, for the way was blocked up 
by enemies, who disputed every step, and threw every 
obstacle in the path of our discomfited countrymen. The 
army became panic-struck, and all its measures seem to 
have been the result of mere impulse. A difference of 
opinion arose, as to the best mode of retreating ; the 
greater number considering it advisable to retire in a 
compact body, while a considerable number thought it 



94 CRAWFORD BURNT AT THE STAKE. 

safer to break up into small parties, which should strike 
homeward in different directions. Unfortunately, both 
plans were attempted, but neither of them prosecuted with 
energy; and while the majority determined to preserve 
the force entire, small parties were continually detaching 
themselves, which fell into the hands of the enemy, who, 
quick-sighted in discovering the insubordinate and dis- 
tracted state of our army, adapted their warfare to the 
occasion, and hovered about to cut off those who left the 
main body. 

Colonel Crawford himself, missing his son, son-in-law, 
and two nephews, who were supposed to have fallen in the 
rear, lingered behind the troops to seek them, and was 
taken prisoner. He was conducted, with several other 
captives, to an Indian town, where he was beaten, tor- 
tured, and finally burnt at the stake, with every indignity 
and every aggravation of suffering, that savage malignity 
could invent. The infamous Simon Grirty, an agent of the 
British government, witnessed these atrocities, and not 
only refused to intercede for the brave but unfortunate 
Crawford, but even laughed heartily at the agonies of the 
perishing captive. 

This was the last campaign, in this quarter, during the 
revolutionary war ; it was wretchedly planned, and worse 
conducted; and on no occasion did the savages obtain 
more ample revenge, or gratify their hatred of the whites 
with more brutal ferocity. But Crawford was the last 
\jwhite man known to have suffered at the stake-. 

We have passed over several minor expeditions, and a 
variety of individual adventures, which occurred at the 
period under review, in this interesting region. But we 
can not omit an incident which strongly marks the 
character of the times, and shows at how early an age 
the young pioneers imbibed those traits of cunning, of 



JOHN AND HENRY JOHNSON. 95 

patient endurance, and of self-possession, which distin- 
guished our hardy borderers. — * 

In the year 1793, two brothers, John and Henry 
Johnson — the one thirteen, and the other eleven years 
of age — whose parents lived in Carpenter's station, near 
Short Creek, on the west side of the Ohio, were roaming 
through the woods in search of their father's cattle. 
They were met and captured by two Indians, both of 
whom, as it turned out afterwards, were distinguished 
warriors. 

The Indians had bridles in their hands, and were 
seeking the horses of the settlers, for the purpose of 
stealing; and they continued their ramble, taking the 
boys with them. John, the oldest, had the tact to accom- 
modate himself at once to his situation; and, affecting 
great joy at being captured, informed the savages that his 
father had treated him cruelly, and that he had long 
meditated an escape to the Indian country. He said 
that he wished to live in the woods and be a hunter, and 
seemed to enter with spirit into the search of the Indians 
after the horses of the white men. This conduct concili- 
ated the favor of the savages, who treated them kindly. 
They were careful, however, not to trust their little pris- 
oners too far, but pinioned their arms; and at night, 
when they lay down, placed the boys between them, se- 
cured by a large strap, which was passed under their own 
bodies. 

"Pretty late in the night," says the narrator of this 
incident,* "the Indians fell asleep; and one of them, 
becoming cold, caught hold of John in his arms, and 
turned him over on the outside. In this situation the 
boy, who had kept awake, found means to get his hands 

* Dr. Doddridge. 



96 JUVENILE HEROISM. 

loose ; he then whispered to his brother, made him get 
up, and untied his arms. This done, Henry thought of 
nothing but running off as fast as possible; but when 
about to start, John caught hold of him, saying, 'We 
must kill these Indians before we go.' After some hesi- 
tation, Henry agreed to make the attempt. John took 
one of the rifles of the Indians, and placed it on a log, 
with the muzzle close to the head of one of them. He 
then cocked the gun, and placed his little brother at the 
breech, with his finger on the trigger, with instructions 
to pull it, as soon as he should strike the other Indian. 

"He then took one of the Indians' tomahawks, and, 
standing a-straddle of the other Indian, struck him with 
it. The blow, however, fell on the back of the neck 
and to one side, so as not to be fatal. The Indian then 
attempted to spring up, but the little fellow repeated 
his blows with such force and rapidity on the skull, that, 
as he expressed it, 'the Indian laid still and began to 
quiver.' 

"At the moment of the first stroke given by the elder 
brother, the younger one pulled the trigger, and shot 
away a considerable portion of the Indian's lower jaw. 
This Indian, a moment after receiving the shot, began 
to flounce about and yell in the most frightful manner. 
The boys then made the best of their way to the fort, 
and reached it a little before day-break. On getting near 
the fort, they found the people all up, and in great agi- 
tation on their account. On hearing a woman exclaim, 
" Poor little fellows, they are killed or taken prisoners," 
the eldest one answered, 'No, mother! we are here yet.' " 

Having brought away nothing from the Indian camp, 
their relation was not credited; but a party having been 
conducted by the boys to the spot, one Indian was found 
killed, and the other desperately wounded. 



an Indian's opinion. 97 

At the treaty held subsequently by General Wayne, a 
friend of the Indians who had been killed, inquired what 
had become of these boys ; and on being answered that 
they lived in the same place, with their parents, the In- 
dian exclaimed, 'You have not done right: you should 
make kings of those boys." 

9 



98 ADVENTURES OF COL. LINN. 



CHAPTER VI. 

Adventures of William Linn — A model pioneer. 

There is no page in the history of the world, which 
is more ennobled by deeds of generous self-devotion, 
than that which records the incidents of the American 
revolution. Greece and Rome have left many examples 
of disinterested personal heroism, and virtuous self-sacri- 
fice, which, embalmed by the genius of the poet, the 
orator, and the historian, have come down to us, preserved 
and decorated with the choicest flowers of classic litera- 
ture. In those cases, art and learning have combined 
with contemporaneous gratitude, to cherish the perennial 
verdure of noble deeds. The severe virtue, and the ro- 
mantic daring of our fathers, had not the advantage of 
being thus perpetuated by the pen and pencil of elaborate 
and inspired genius. In the infancy of our social institu- 
tions, the soil which gave birth to the warrior and the 
patriot, had scarcely begun to be adorned by the refine- 
ments of intellectual culture. This was especially true of 
the adventurers of our border warfare, where the boldest 
exploits, and even events of important bearing upon the 
great question then at issue, were the result of individual 
enterprise, formed no part of any general plan, and were 
scarcely sanctioned by the provisional governments. 

While the colonies were engaged in an unequal war 



CHARACTER OF COL. LINN. 99 

with the enemies of England, their western frontiers were 
defended from the savage, and the new settlements estab- 
lished, by men who, for the most part, made war with 
their own means, and upon their own responsibility. The 
leaders in these wars were generally self-appointed, or 
chosen to command on account of their martial talents, 
by their neighbors or followers. They were a peculiar 
race, bred on the frontier, acquainted alike with the 
usages of social subordination and the turbulent scenes of 
the border; imbued on the one hand with the enlarged 
principles of government which at that epoch were under- 
going such active discussion, and, on the other, familiar 
with the rough scenes of sylvan life, and all the cunning, 
strategy, and ferocious violence of savage warfare. Men 
of kind and generous natures, their hospitable homes 
teemed with plenty and cheerfulness ; their houses were 
open to the stranger, and in the hour of danger, were 
staunch fortresses, receiving all who fled to them for 
protection. 

William Linn, and many others of his class, combined 
in private life, the farmer with the hunter, while they 
were essentially military in character and habits, and were 
the men of mark and influence in their neighborhoods. 
In an emergency, they collected the people for defense, 
or led them on distant expeditions, without other warrant 
than the pressure of danger, and the duty of mutual and 
self-protection; while again they held commissions, acted 
with the regular armies, or were charged with special 
duties suited to their habits as woodsmen, and their won- 
derfully extensive knowledge of the country. As the 
country became organized into civil communities, they 
were the magistrates and civil functionaries; but office 
added but little to their dignity or influence, for at all 
times they were public men, 



100 A BORDER SPY. 

The father of Win. Linn was born in Ireland, and came 
to America in 1701, with his father, who settled on Long 
Island, where he lived until he married, and then removed 
to New Jersey. He had fonr sons and two daughters, 
with whom, after the death of his wife, he removed to 
Maryland. Of the early life of Col. Linn we have no 
account, but as we find him, a young man, acting as a 
guide and spy in Braddock's army, we infer that he was 
reared in the hardy pursuits of frontier life, and was 
familiar with the toils of the hunter, and with all the 
vicissitudes of the forest. The office was one of great 
importance, requiring an intimate knowledge of a wide 
scope of country, an acquaintance with the habits, and 
especially the military stratagems of the Indians, expert- 
ness in hunting, unquestionable fidelity, prudence, and 
presence of mind. And as all these qualities were fully 
developed in the future career of Col. Linn, we may infer 
a youthful promise, and a training which would lead to 
such results. He is supposed to have reconnoitered Fort 
Du Quesne, and to have supplied to Gen. Braddock infor- 
mation in regard to that post and the intermediate region 
of wilderness and mountain, previous to the march of the 
British army for Fort Cumberland. And here we may as 
well remark, as the word will occur again, that the term 
"Spy," as used in the accounts of our border warfare, has 
a different meaning from the same word when employed 
technically in military history. It does not express a 
sinister or dishonorable service. The spy, in our western 
warfare, was an expert woodsman, an experienced hunter, 
a bold, active man, who roamed the forest in advance of 
an army, or marched on its flanks, to protect it from 
surprise, and to gain intelligence of the enemy. They 
differed from the flanking parties and pioneers of other 
armies in their remarkable adaptation for this service, in 



LINN RECEIVES HIS COMMISSION. 101 

their intelligent alertness, and self-reliance. Often roam- 
ing off to great distances from the main body, encamping 
separately from it, hovering secretly about the enemy, 
watching all his movements, the spies were a valuable 
body, whose services were as honorable as they were use- 
ful. Although their movements were secret, and their 
footsteps fell silently on the track they pursued, they wore 
no disguise, but were armed men engaged in legitimate 
warfare. 

After Braddock's campaign, we lose sight of Linn until 
we find him settled on the Monongahela river, near where 
Cookstown now stands, and in what was then considered 
the territory of Virginia. How he was employed during 
the years intervening between that time and the active 
scenes of his revolutionary career, we are not informed. 
That he was idle, while the frontier was frequently dis- 
turbed by Indian hostilities, is not probable; as it would 
not be consistent with his known energy of character, nor 
with the knowledge and military experience which distin- 
guished his after life. He made one campaign against 
the Indians, under Col. McDaniel, and was wounded in 
the shoulder, but in what capacity he served does not 
appear. He is known to have been engaged in other 
adventures, and is supposed to have led a busy and adven- 
turous life; but no record was kept of these events, and 
the few glimmering beams shed upon them by the lamp 
of tradition, do not afford sufficient light to enable us to 
trace out the details. Early in the revolution, he received 
the commission of Lieutenant in the Virginia troops, and 
marched with the company commanded by Captain George 
Gibson, from Fort Pitt to Williamsburg, in Virginia. He 
participated in the battle of the Great Bridge, near Nor- 
folk, and in the affair at Hampton, and was with the com- 
pany when, in various encounters with the foe, it gave 



102 GIBSON AND LINN'S VOYAGE. 

1 those indications of the prowess of its members, which 
JJ obtained for them the nickname of " Gibson's Lambs." 
The details of those services are no longer extant; but it 
is certain that Gibson and Linn, while thus acting under 
the immediate observation of the influential men who then 
directed the public affairs of Virginia, established that 
character which pointed them out as fit persons to be en- 
trusted with the execution of one of the most extraordi- 
nary enterprises recorded in military history. "We know 
not in whose vigorous mind, bold and fertile of expedient, 
the plan of this delicate and perilous expedition was 
conceived, but we shall see that it was carried out, with 
admirable address, by minds of kindred spirit to that of 
its author. 

In the summer of 1776, Captain George Gibson and 
l Lieut. William Linn were instructed to proceed, with a 
\ detachment from Gibson's company, from Fort Pitt to New 
Orleans, to procure from the Spanish authorities a supply 
of gunpowder. There is no evidence, nor intimation, 
of any preliminary negotiations, or secret intelligence, to 
encourage the hope that the application would be success- 
ful. The mission was secret, and was conducted with such 
caution as to attract no public attention. Gibson and 
Linn, wearing the guise of traders, and their attendants, 
clad as common boatmen, embarked at Fort Pitt, to follow 
the sinuosities of the Ohio and Mississippi for more than 
two thousand miles, through a wilderness, inhabited only 
by hostile savages, ever vigilant, but excited at this time by 
the existence of a general war. A diary of that voyage 
would afford a curious narrative. The noiseless transit of 
that little band of heroic men, along the stream upon 
whose bosom the thousand giant ships of a great com- 
merce were soon destined to ride ; the silence and the ver- 
dure of shores now inhabited by millions of industrious 



SECURES THE GUNPOWDER. 103 

men; the stealthy pace, the guarded watch, the patient 
endurance, the bold expedient by which the voyagers 
secured the smiles of fortune; the risks they ran, the 
dangers they eluded by cunning or overcame by audacious 
daring, the varied adventures, some of which still float in 
the traditions of border life, would all combine to form a 
legend of highly-wrought romantic interest. 

The party arrived safely at New Orleans, being, if not 
the first, among the first white men who ever navigated 
the great western highway from Pittsburgh to that city. 
Gibson and Linn proved themselves able negotiators, and 
displayed a degree of address in the conduct of their af- 
fairs highly creditable to them as men of business. The 
Spanish authorities were friendly, but there were British 
residents who were watchful and suspicious of all Ameri- 
cans. To deceive the latter, Gibson was thrown into 
prison, and afterwards secretly released when on the eve 
of departure, while Linn quietly negotiated for the pow- 
der, and prepared for its removal. The portion intended 
for the service on the seaboard was shipped for a northern 
port, in packages bearing an exterior semblance which 
concealed the real contents, through the agency of Oliver 
Pollock, Esq., an American resident high in the favor of 
Don Galvos, the Spanish Governor. Gibson took the per- 
sonal charge of the adventure by sea; while Linn, "with 
the barges," is said to have "fought his way back to 
Wheeling, in the spring of 1777," bringing, with tri- 
umphant success, one hundred and fifty kegs, as a supply 
to the western posts. 

One of the episodes of this strange story, which I find 
in Butler's Kentucky, is remarkably indicative of the 
habits of those times. John Smith, lately of Woodford 
county, Kentucky, was employed, in 1776, with James 
Harrod, a distinguished pioneer, in exploring the country, 



104 JOHN SMITH JOINS THE PARTY. 

probably not far from the Kentucky river. Having com- 
pleted their survey, the companions separated, each taking 
a direct course home— like honest backwoodsmen, to 
whom a lonely walk of a few hundred miles through an 
uninhabited forest, was but an ordinary excursion. Col. 
Harrod returned over the mountains, to North Carolina, 
while Mr. Smith, turning his face in nearly the opposite 
direction, set out for Peter's creek, on the Monongahela. 
As the latter roamed on his solitary way along the brink 
of the Ohio, he was discovered by Captain Linn's party, 
who easily persuaded him that besides affording an agree- 
able variety to his monotonous march, it would be less 
fatiguing to float down the river with them, than labori- 
ously to ascend its shores on foot alone. And so Mr. 
Smith joined the party, returned with it, assisted in car- 
rying the kegs of gunpowder round the portage at the 
falls of the Ohio, and lived many years afterwards, a 
respectable witness of the facts connected with this peril- 
ous adventure. 

The truth of this narrative, in all its material points, is 
sufficiently established by contemporaneous evidence, and 
by the frequent recitals of the principal actors to their 
families and friends; and it is abundantly confirmed by 
the following extract from the instructions of Patrick 
Henry, Governor of Virginia, to General George Rogers 
Clarke, when about to depart on his expedition against 
Kaskaskia; "You are to apply to General Hand for the 
powder and lead necessary for this expedition. If he can 
'not supply it, the person who has charge of that which 
Captain Linn brought from New Orleans can ; lead was 
sent to Hampshire by my orders, and that may be deliv- 
ered to you." And, in further evidence of this noble 
service, we find recorded in the annals of that day, the 
following receipt, given by an officer of Colonel Crawford's 



CAPT. WILLIAM FOREMAN. 105 

command, and countersigned by the regular commissary, 
or ordnance officer: 

"I do certify that nine thousand weight of powder, 
brought from New Orleans by Lieutenant Linn, was de- 
livered to Colonel William Crawford, for the use of the 
continent. "David Shepherd, 

"31st January, 1791. Lieut. Ohio. 

"Philadelphia, January, 1791. 

"Wm. Davies." 
I am sorry to be obliged to add, that this successful 
exploit, conducted with such consummate boldness and 
address, and resulting in a supply of the means of war, 
so important to our needy patriots, has not found place 
upon a prominent page in the history of the revolution ; 
and that neither Gibson nor Linn appear to have received 
any reward, or immediate promotion. Both of them acted 
afterwards in higher grades of command, and in many 
hard-fought battles ; and among the brightest of the noble 
names of that period of disinterested patriotism, theirs will 
be hereafter perpetuated and honored. 

In the autumn of 1777, shortly after the attack of the 
Indians on the fort at Wheeling, the Governor of Vir- 
ginia, Patrick Henry, having previously determined to 
send an expedition against the Indian towns on the 
Sciota, ordered three hundred men to be raised in the 
counties of Youghiogheny, Monongahelia, and Ohio. The 
emergency appealed straight to the patriotism of the peo- 
ple of Western Virginia, and the gallant citizens turned 
out freely as volunteers. Captain William Foreman, a 
brave soldier, with some military experience, but wholly 
unfit for this service in consequence of his ignorance of 
border warfare, raised a company of volunteers, and by the 
middle of September reached Wheeling. On the 26th of 
that month, a smoke was seen in the direction of Grave 



106 A BOLD PEAT. 

creek, and fears were entertained that the stockade and 
dwelling of Mr. Toinlinson might have been set on fire 
by the Indians. With the promptness which marked our 
border war, Colonel Shepherd, who was in command, dis- 
patched Captain Foreman with his company, about forty- 
five men, and a few experienced guides, to ascertain the 
facts. One of the guides was William Linn, and another 
was Jacob Whetzel, one of four brothers who were all 
distinguished for their skill and prowess in these perilous 
wars. 

Finding all quiet at Grave creek, the party encamped 
for the night on the Grave creek bottom, building up 
fires, and throwing themselves on the ground around 
them, contrary to the advice of Linn, who pointed out the 
unnecessary exposure which would be produced by light- 
ing fires in the woods, through which the war parties of 
Indians were certainly roving, and the danger of sleeping 
near them. Foreman disregarded this prudent counsel ; 
and Linn, with his little party of guides, retired to a 
secluded nook at some short distance, where they spent 
the night. With the vigilance of the remarkable class to 
which he belonged, Linn slept, as the Indians term it, 
with one eye open, and with an ear which, even in slum- 
ber, was sensitive to the slightest sound of unusual im- 
port. Just before daylight, he thought he distinguished 
slight sounds, such as might be made by launching rafts 
upon the water, proceeding from the direction of the 
river, above the camp of the main party. In the morn- 
ing he reported this suspicious circumstance to Captain 
Foreman, with the opinion that their motions were prob- 
ably watched by the enemy, who might ambuscade their 
path homeward, and advised him to quit the trace leading 
along the margin of the river, and return by a route over 
the hills. This advice being also rejected, Linn, who 



AN INDIAN AMBUSCADE. 107 

seems to have been, to a certain extent, as, perhaps, his 
employment required, master of his own motions, pru- 
dently separated himself from the party, and, with the 
sagacity of one acquainted with the state of things, and 
aware of the impending danger, skirted along the hill- 
side with his band of scouts • — Whetzel and three others. 
In passing the Grave creek narrows, where the hill 
pushes its base near to the river, leaving a narrow pass 
along the level ground on the bank, one of the soldiers 
discovered a quantity of beads and other Indian orna- 
ments scattered along the path, and stopped to pick them 
up, while his companions, naturally attracted by the nov- 
elty of such an incident breaking in upon the monotony 
of their silent march, crowded about him. This was just 
what the Indians, who lay ambushed in the surrounding 
thickets, desired, and as soon as the Americans were 
huddled together, a galling fire was poured in upon them 
from different sides, by the hidden foe. They were in- 
stantly thrown into confusion. So many were killed by 
the first fire that resistance seemed vain ; and flight ap- 
peared to be as hopeless, for while a line of foes was drawn 
across their path, the river bank was .lined with yelling 
savages on their left, and the hill on their right presented 
a steep acclivity scarcely accessible to the footstep. The 
Indians pressed their advantage by an active firing, accom- 
panied by exulting shouts, and but a few minutes would 
have sufficed for the massacre of the whole party, had 
not Linn shown himself as gallant as he was sagacious.- 
Upon the first alarm, he, with his bold comrades, hastened 
to the relief of the main party, and rushing down the hill, 
with shouts which, echoed by the cliffs, were doubtless 
magnified to their ears, attacked the foe, who, scarcely 
waiting for the spirited fire of this hardy band, hastily 
retreated. It appeared afterwards, that the Indians, who 



108 MONUMENT TO THE SLAIN. 

had dropped their ornaments for the purpose of attracting 
the attention of the whites, were lying concealed in two 
parties; one under cover of the river bank, and the other 
in what is called a sink-hole, on the right of the path, from 
which positions they fired, secure from any danger to 
themselves, until Linn advanced upon them. The number 
of the Indians was never ascertained, but it was supposed 
that it was small. 

The day after this tragic affair, a party from Wheeling, 

under Col. Ebenezer Zane, went down to Grave creek to 

bury the dead. Andrew Poe and Martin Weitzell were of 

I the party, as were also John Caldwell and Henry Yohn, 

both of whom were living lately, at Wheeling. 

On the 31st of October, 1835, a monument was erected 
to the memory of the gallant men slain at Grave Creek 
Narrows; it stands about four miles below Wheeling, by 
the side of the road leading along the bank of the river. 

The decided course of Linn in remonstrating against 
the rashness of his commander, is not mere conjecture, 
drawn from his well known character for sagacity. During 
the conversation just alluded to, a man named Robert 
Harkness, an inmate at the station, and a relative of Mr. 
Tomlinson, sat near the parties, on a log, and often after- 
wards repeated what was said. The discussion was con- 
ducted with earnestness on both sides. Captain Foreman, 
who regarded Linn as a rough backwoodsman, by no 
means competent to advise him on a point of military con- 
duct, stood on his dignity, and maintained with pertinacity 
his incredulous contempt of the prognostics of danger 
indicated by the guide; while the latter, familiar with 
the subject, and well satisfied of the impending danger, 
urged his opinions with confidence, and pressed them upon 
his superior with all the powers of persuasion which he 
could command, and the occasion allowed him to use. 



col. Clarke's expedition. 109 

In 1778, Col. George Rogers Clark£, who to a chivalrous 
temperament, which led him to court the hazards of the 
most dangerous enterprises, united a consummate mili- 
tary sagacity and executive energy which secured suc- 
cess, planned and executed his brilliant campaign against 
the posts at Kaskaskia and Vincennes, a brief account of 
which we give in another chapter. We are told, that, 
" on the passage down the river, Col. Clarke most fortu- 
nately received a letter from Colonel John Campbell, of 
Fort Pitt, informing him of the French alliance, a cir- 
cumstance, as subsequent events showed, of the utmost 
importance to the American arms."* The bearer of that 
letter was no less a person than Col. Linn, who, allured by 
the kindred spirit of Clarke, and the prospect of gather- 
ing laurels in a distant field, inviting by its novelty and 
its peril, had embarked by himself, in a canoe, to join the 
expedition, which he overtook after a solitary voyage of 
about nine hundred miles. The yell of the savage, and 
the solitude of the wilderness, had no terrors for the man 
whose military zeal, or devotion to the service of his 
country, could induce him to undertake voluntarily, so 
perilous a voyage. Clarke received with joy an auxiliary, 
whose reputation was now at its zenith, and who showed 
a spirit so congenial to the work before him, and assigned 
him a responsible command. He bore a conspicuous part 
in that eventful campaign, and so highly were his services 
estimated, and such was his popularity with the officers 
and men, that when it appeared afterwards, that as a vol- 
unteer he was not legally entitled to a share of the land 
granted to that army by Congress, his companions in 
arms made him a donation of several thousand acres out 
of their own portions. 

Soon after Clarke's campaign, Colonel Linn removed 

* Butler's History of Kentucky. 



110 INDIAN STRATEGY. 

to Kentucky, and it is said that the first fort at Louisville 
was constructed under his direction j hut this is not cer- 
tain. He settled ahout ten miles from Louisville, near 
the spot where Colonel Richard C. Anderson soon after 
resided, and constructed a picket-work for protection 
against the Indians, which was known as Linn's Station. 
The savages were still troublesome. Their war parties 
roamed through the woods, creeping stealthily upon the 
settler's cabin, and prowling about the forts, in search 
of victims. Their ferocity was exceeded only by their 
cunning ; and many were the artifices they practiced to 
entice their foes into the snares laid for them. Boats 
descending the river were hailed by unseen persons, or 
their crews induced to land by the cries of human dis- 
tress, or by the appearance of a deer or a bear on the 
shore, partially exposed, but which, when approached by 
the unwary hunter, proved to be the skins of these ani- 
mals, artfully disposed to decoy him to his ruin- Some- 
times the wily savage concealed himself near a station, 
decoyed the hunter out, by a well executed imitation of 
the cry of some animal, and securely murdered him from 
his hiding-place. The backwoodsmen, who were apt 
scholars in all the arts and exercises of sylvan life, 
not only learned all these devices, but often practiced 
them with a skill superior to the best efforts of their 
teachers. It is related that at Linn's Station, for several 
mornings in succession, the gobbling of a wild turkey 
was heard, at day-break — at the hour when that noble 
fowl is wont to raise his cheerful voice. A hunter, who 
had gone out unsuspectingly to secure the game, disap- 
peared. Colonel Linn's suspicions were aroused, and his 
skill as a woodsman enabled him to satisfy himself as to 
the exact spot from which the voice had proceeded. The 
next night he crept silently to the place, and, having 



JOINS CLARKE'S EXPEDITION. Ill 

concealed himself, waited patiently for the dawn. At 
the first blush of day-light, a stately warrior presented 
himself, advancing with stealthy tread, but with confident 
alacrity, to his expected sport, and, stepping lightly upon 
the trunk of a fallen tree, with a keen glance toward the 
station, threw up his arms and gobbled aloud in imita- 
tion of the wild turkey. In another instant a ball from 
the unerring rifle of Linn laid the bold marauder in the 
dust. 

The last service of Colonel Linn, was in the expedition 
commanded by General George Rogers Clarke, against the 
Indian towns on Mad River and the Little Miami, in 
Ohio, in 1780. The settlements in Kentucky having been 
greatly harassed by the predatory incursions of the In- 
dians, an army of one thousand mounted volunteers was 
raised, to carry the war into their own country. Colonels 
Logan, Linn, Floyd, Harrod, and Slaughter, all distin- 
guished and successful leaders in former wars, followed 
the popular banner of Clarke. Daniel Boone was one 
of the guides. Crossing the Ohio at the mouth of Lick- 
ing, and landing at the present site of Cincinnati, then a 
wilderness, they marched to the old Chillicothe town, and 
thence to Piqua, destroyed those villages and more than 
five hundred acres of growing corn, and beat the Indians 
in several hard-fought battles. In one of these engage- 
ments, the notorious Simon Grirty, a renegade white man, 
of infamous notoriety, living among the Indians under 
British pay, and commanding as a chief of the Mingoes, 
drew off a body of three hundred men, declaring that it 
was folly in the extreme to continue the action against 
men who acted like such madmen as the soldiers of 
Clarke, and who rushed into danger with a total disregard 
of consequences. In this successful campaign, Linn com- 
manded a battalion, and acted a conspicuous part. The 



112 WAYLAID BY INDIANS. — HIS DEATH. 

late Bland Ballard, a hero of many battles, who survived 
to an honored old age, served in Linn's command, and 
always afterwards spoke with enthusiasm of the high 
courage and military talent displayed by Linn on this 
occasion. Ballard was severely wounded, and, on the re- 
turn of the troops, was left at Linn's station, where he 
remained until after Colonel Linn's death. 

The life of this noble soldier and estimable citizen, 
spent in the service of his country, and amid the turbu- 
lent and perilous warfare of the border, was closed by 
violence. On the first Monday of March, 1781, a party 
assembled at Linn's station, to go together to attend 
the Jefferson county Court, at Louisville. Colonel Linn, 
having business with some of the magistrates, whom he 
therefore desired to see before the opening of the Court, 
started in advance of the company. He had been gone 
but a little while, when the reports of several guns were 
heard, and a party instantly mounting, galloped off in 
the direction he had taken. His horse was found, shot 
down by the road-side, but a long and anxious search for 
Colonel Linn proved fruitless. The next day the pursuit 
was renewed, and the dead body of Linn discovered a 
mile from the station, and near the place which soon 
after assumed the name of Soldier's Retreat, the residence 
of the late Colonel Anderson. He had been waylaid by 
a party of Indians, concealed in a sink-hole by the road- 
side, who fired upon their gallant victim, and wounded 
him before he was aware of their presence. The horse 
was found at a short distance from this spot, indicating 
that an attempt was made to retreat, and that the mor- 
tally-wounded animal had borne his rider from the place 
where the attack was made. It is said that a man named 
Applegate, who had been recently taken by the same 
party of Indians, was their prisoner when they fired upon 



col. pope's household. 113 

Colonel Linn, and witnessed the sad catastrophe. He 
gave a detailed account of the affair, and asserted that 
| after the horse was shot down, and Linn wounded and 
surrounded by the exulting savages, he refused to sur- 
render, but sustained his high standing as a warrior, by 
fighting desperately to the last, and that he fell covered 
with wounds, after having killed several of his assailants. 
It is to be regretted that so little is known of the 
domestic life and private character of this distinguished 
man. Highly endowed as he was, with noble and excel- 
lent qualities — with talents above the common order, 
with a generous nature, with military capacity and en- 
ergy, with daring, zeal, and enterprize, tempered by 
sagacious prudence — it would have been gratifying to 
know that in him, as in the characters of many of his 
distinguished companions in arms, the sterner qualities 
that enabled them to serve their country so efficiently in 
her day of weakness and peril, were dignified and adorned 
by high moral rectitude, and the mild radiance of the 
gentler virtues. That Linn was such a man, we readily 
believe; we find no blot on his fame, and it is fair to 
suppose that the noble nature which gave birth to the 
numerous deeds of patriotism we find recorded, and which 
nurtured so chivalrous a bearing, was fruitful also in all 
good and generous impulses. 

About four years after the death of Col. Linn, an inci- 
dent occurred which is curiously illustrative of the vicis- 
situdes of domestic life in the backwoods. Col. William 
Pope had built a house about five miles south of Lou- 
isville, and removed to it in the fall of 1784. There 
being no schools, he employed a teacher to instruct his 
own children at home, and for the same reason was in- 
duced to receive into his house the sons of some of his 
10 



114 CAPTURE OF THE BOYS. 

friends: among them were the two sons of Col. Linn, 
whose guardian he was. 

In February, 1785, five of these boys, the two Linns, 
Brashear, Wells, and another, whose name is not recol- 
lected, went out one Saturday to hunt. The ages of these 
boys are not now known ; they were little fellows, however, 
probably between the ages of nine and thirteen. They 
encamped for the night, near the bank of the Ohio, at a 
place where a wide scope of bottom land was covered with 
heavy forest trees, and with ponds which were frequented 
by great numbers of swans, geese, and ducks. A snow 
fell during the night, and in the morning they found 
themselves surrounded by a party of Indians, who had 
lain near them in ambush, and who captured them. Bra- 
shear, being a very fleet runner, attempted to escape, but 
was overtaken, and secured with the rest. The elder Linn 
also attempted to run, but being stout and clumsy, and 
encumbered with some game which he had thrown over 
his shoulder, stumbled and fell, and was seized by a tawny 
warrior, who patted him on the back, and called him, in 
the Indian tongue, "the little fat bear;" while Brashear, 
on account of his agility, received the name of the "buck 
elk." . 

There are many incidents of this kind in the legends 
of the border; and there is nothing in history more strik- 
ing than the address and presence of mind displayed by 
children, under such circumstances. Their mode of life, 
and education, render them prematurely vigilant and 
courageous. Accustomed from the first dawn of reason to 
sudden alarms, to the continual*pressure of some impend- 
ing danger, and to narratives of encounters and surprises, 
stratagems, and violence, they become familiar with peril, 
habitually watchful, and fertile of expedient. The child 
is father to the man ; the boy is a young backwoodsman, 



CHARACTER OF THE BOYS. 115 

eager for adventure, and not stricken with helpless terror 
when suddenly involved in danger ; for his eye has been 
accustomed from infancy to the weapons of war, and his 
ear to the many voices of the forest. " I was not born in 
the woods to be scared by an owl," is one of the expres- 
sive proverbs of the West. When Scott, in one of the 
most beautiful of English poems, describes the courageous 
bearing of the heir of Branksome, as he turned to face 
the blood-hounds, the picture is not imaginary, but pour- 
trays, with true philosophy, the training of the son of a 
border chief: 

"I ween you would have seen with joy 
The bearing of the gallant boy, 
When worthy of his noble sire, 
His wet cheek glowed 'twixt fear and ire! 
He faced the blood-hound manfully, 
And held his little bat on high ; 
So fierce he struck, the dog, afraid, 
At cautious distance hoarsely bayed ; 
But still in act to spring." 

Such was the nurture of these boys, who submitted to 
their fate with a manliness that would have been credit- 
able to the elder Linn. The Indians, desiring to ascertain 
whether there was any unprotected house or settlement 
near, that might be pillaged, asked the boys where they 
came from? The guarded reply was, "From Louisville." 
"You lie!" responded the savage; but the boys, mindful 
of their friends, even at a moment so distressing to them- 
selves, kept their own counsel, and neither by word nor 
sign gave any indication that their assertion was not true. 
Their sagacity and firmness saved the family of Colonel 
Pope from destruction. The Indians retired with their 
young captives, who marched off with apparent indiffer- 
ence. Crossing the Ohio, they were taken to an Indian 



116 THEIR PUGILISTIC PEATS. 

town in Northern Indiana, distant many days' journey; 
and on the way won the favor of their new masters, by 
the patience with which they suffered captivity and 
fatigue, and the cheerful interest they appeared to take 
in the occurrences of the march. 

At the Indian village, the reception usually extended 
to prisoners awaited them. The women and children 
crowded around them with shouts of exultation, loaded 
them with reproaches, pelted them with dirt and stones, 
struck, pinched, and heaped indignities upon them. But 
the gallant little fellows were probably prepared for these 
and greater cruelties, and found them no worse than they 
expected. For awhile they submitted bravely; but at 
length the Linn blood became heated, and the younger 
of the brothers, whose temper was quick, and who had 
frequently been cautioned by his companions to restrain 
his passions, losing all patience, singled out a tawny boy 
bigger than himself, who had struck him, and being left- 
handed, returned the blow, in a way so unexpected that 
his foe, unable to parry it, was knocked down. The 
warriors were delighted with an exploit so much to their 
taste, and applauded it with loud shouts and laughter. 
Another champion assailed the little hero, who, springing 
upon the juvenile savage, with the ferocity of the panther, 
dealt him blows, kicks, and scratches, with a vigor which 
surprised and delighted the spectators. The whole mass 
of boyhood became pugnacious, his companions joined 
with alacrity in the fight — Kentucky against the field — 
the heroic lads fought against odds, but displayed such 
prowess that they soon cleared the ring, and were rescued 
from further annoyance by their captors, who were par- 
ticularly amused by the efficiency and odd effect of the 
left-handed blows of the younger Linn. 

Such fine boys soon became favorites ; they had pre- 



THEIR DELIVERANCE. 117 

cisely the accomplishments to recommend them to the 
favor of the social circles of an aboriginal society. Bold 
and bright-eyed, muscular and healthy, equal to the In- 
dian boys in all athletic sports, and superior to them in 
intelligence, they were readily adopted into the tribe, and 
domesticated in families. Wells, however, fell to the lot 
of an Indian belonging to some distant town, whither he 
was taken, and thus separated from his comrades, saw 
them no more. He remained with the Indians all his 
life ; married a sister of the celebrated chief Little Turtle, 
and became the father of a family. The remainder of our 
narrative embraces only the adventures of the other four. 
They adapted themselves so completely to their new mode | 
of life, and seemed so well satisfied with the employments 
and sports of the savage youth, with fishing and hunting, 
wrestling, racing, and riding the Indian ponies, that all 
suspicion in regard to them was quieted, and they were 
allowed to roam about unregarded. They were " biding 
their time:" with a watchfulness that never slept they 
sought an opportunity to make their escape. 

The hour of deliverance came at last. In the autumn 
of the year of their capture, the warriors set out upon 
their annual hunt, roaming far off from home, in parties, 
and leaving their village in the care of the old men, the 
women, and the children. The four boys found them- 
selves one day, at a camp, at some distance from the 
village, engaged in fishing or some other employment, with 
no other companions but an old Indian and a squaw. 
A severe conflict of mind took place. The long-sought 
opportunity for escape was at hand; but they could regain 
their liberty only by the death of a woman and an old 
man, with whom they were associating as companions. ! 
To remain in captivity was not to be thought of; to be 
the captives especially of a race in hostility with their 



118 JOURNEY HOME. 

countrymen, whose scalps they must frequently see dis- 
played in triumph — of a people they had been taught 
from infancy to fear and hate, and who had been the 
murderers of the father of two of them, was not to be 
tolerated. To leave their companions alive, was to ensure 
an early discovery of their flight, and a pursuit which 
must probably result in their capture and death. All 
their scruples yielded to a stern necessity, the bold resolve 
was taken ; they killed the man and woman, and directed 
their steps homeward. 

"We know not by what instinct they were enabled to find 
their way through the trackless forest. Whether it was 
by that mysterious intelligence which conducts the ir- 
rational brute to a far distant home — whether it was the 
finger of that Providence that supplied understanding to 
the simple — or whether it was that they had already been 
taught to know the points of the compass, and to observe 
the landmarks which direct the footsteps of the experienced 
woodsman — so it was, that pursuing the nearest course, 
' they struck for home through the wilderness. Traveling 
by night, and lying concealed during the day in coverts 
and hiding-places, living upon wild fruits and nuts, and 
upon such small game as could be taken with the least 
noise and the least delay, and practicing all the cunning, 
'the patience, and the self-denial of the savage warrior, 
' they reached the bank of the Ohio river, directly opposite 
to Louisville, after a journey of three weeks. Having 
no means of crossing the river, which here, at the head 
of the falls, is wide and rapid, they endeavored to at- 
tract the attention of the people at Louisville by firing 
their guns ; but the Indians having lately been very 
troublesome, those who heard these signals, not un- 
derstanding them, were unwilling to cross the river to 
ascertain their meaning. The persevering boys then 



THE RAFT. — THEIR ESCAPE. 119 

marched up the shore of the river nearly six miles, and at 
a place near what is now called the Six Mile Island, where 
the current is less impetuous than below, constructed 
a raft, with no tool to facilitate their labors but a knife. 
Even this frail and rough contrivance was not large 
enough to carry them all, and the elder Linn, who was 
an expert swimmer, plunged into the water, and pushed 
the clumsy craft before him, while his companions paddled 
with all their might, with poles. Thus they were wafted 
slowly and laboriously down and across the stream, until 
they were discovered from the town, and parties sent to 
their relief. About the same time, the Indians who had 
been pursuing them, reached the shore they had left, fired 
at them, and expressed their rage and disappointment by 
loud yells. Young Linn was nearly frozen by his im- 
mersion in the water, which, at that season, in the month 
of November, was very cold; but by the prompt and 
skillful remedies applied under the direction of his kind 
guardian, Col. Pope, who had been driven by the Indians 
from his residence in the woods, and was now living in 
Louisville, he was recovered. 

Dr. Lewis F. Linn, for many years a Senator in Con- 
gress from the State of Missouri, was the son of one of 
those gallant lads, and grandson of Colonel William Linn. 
In earlier life he was a practicing physician of high re- 
pute in the town of Ste. Genevieve, and a member of the 
Missouri legislature, and was widely known as an intel- 
ligent and public-spirited citizen. An accomplished and 
polished gentleman, he was universally beloved and re- 
spected for his kindness, sincerity, and benevolence in 
private life, while, as a public man, his honorable bear- 
ing and devotion to the interests of the State of his 
adoption, won for him a wide-spread popularity. In the 
Senate of the United States, dignified as that body then 



120 DR. LEWIS P. LINN. 

was, Doctor Linn was distinguished by his gentlemanly 
bearing, the uniform equanimity of his temper, and his 
unvaried courtesy, as well as by the general ability with 
which he discharged his high office. Though an active 
member of the Senate, and a leading supporter of the ad- 
ministration of General Jackson, during a period of great 
political excitement, he was never known to lose his self- 
possession, or to violate the etiquette of good breeding, 
so that he was sometimes called the Chesterfield of the 
Senate. He was a model of the suaviter in modo, as well as 
of the fortiter in re. Brave as his great ancestor, no man 
was more true to his principles, more fixed in his pur- 
poses, more firm and unflinching in the hour of trial ; but 
he never uttered a sarcasm, nor lost for a moment the 
delicate sense of respect for the feelings of others, which 
marked his whole conduct. His good temper and good 
breeding were unvaried, his manners refined, his morals 
pure, and his attention to business assiduous and method- 
ical. Having enjoyed for many years the friendship and 
correspondence of this excellent man, I can bear witness 
to the many fine qualities of his heart and conduct, and 
the amiable and courteous traits of his truly gentlemanly 
character. 



CAPT. CRAWFORD. 121 



CHAPTEE YII. 



A frontier adventure — The first fight of a revolutionary hero. 

The following anecdote, which is highly characteristic 
of the period in which it occurred, and of the persons 
engaged in the curious scene it portrays, was communi- 
cated to me in conversation, by a descendant of one of the 
parties, and is given without alteration, except such as has 
unavoidably occurred in clothing it in my own language. 

Captain Crawford, of Virginia — the same who after- 
wards obtained a melancholy celebrity as Colonel Craw- 
ford, the leader of an unsuccessful expedition, in which 
he was taken prisoner, inhumanly tortured, and mur- 
dered by the Indians — -was marching a company from the 
frontiers of his own State to the Ohio river. The occasion 
is not exactly known. We think it probable that it was 
in 1758, when he commanded a company in Washington's 
regiment in the expedition under General Forbes against 
Fort du Quesne. He was then about twenty-six years of 
age, and is said to have attracted the attention of Wash- 
ington by his fine military bearing. The acquaintance 
thus formed, led to subsequent intercourse, in which 
Crawford is said to have won the friendship and esteem 
of that illustrious man, who never lightly bestowed 
his confidence. About 1769, Crawford settled upon the 
Youghiogheny river, near where the town of Connells- 
11 



122 A FRONTIER ADVENTURE. 

ville now stands, where he practiced a generous hospi- 
tality, and was a popular and influential man. Like many 
of the leading men of that day, his original profession 
was that of a surveyor, and he was employed by Wash- 
ington* in selecting and surveying western lands. On 
the breaking out of the revolution, he raised a regi- 
ment, with great personal effort, and was commissioned a 
Colonel in the service of Virginia. 

To return to our anecdote. Crawford was marching his 
company(to join a large body of troops at some rendez- 
vous in the mountainous frontier. ; ( His men were, of 
course, hunters and farmers from the outskirts of the 
Virginia settlements; most probably young, daring, hardy 
volunteers, of the same class as the pioneers who, shortly 
after that period, overran the forests of Kentucky; and 
he was himself a young, bold man, unaccustomed to com- 
mand, but eager for distinction. Previous to leaving the 
neighborhood of the settlement, Crawford, from some 
accident, found himself in want of transportation for some 
of his baggage or stores, and, at a place where he halted 
in the woods, fortunately fell in with a wagoner, who had 
stopped to rest his horses at the same spot. In such an 
emergency, Captain Crawford felt no hesitation in press- 
ing the team and driver into his service, and accordingly 
announced to the latter his determination. The driver, 
highly incensed, was in no humor to submit to what he 
considered an oppressive act; but how could he help him- 
self? He was alone, in the midst of a military band, who 
were ready and able, at a word, to enforce their com- 
mander's orders. He was a great bull-headed, two-fisted, 
square-built fellow, who bore on his face the marks of 

* De Hass's "Early Settlements and Indian Wars in Western 
Virginia. 



A CHALLENGE. 123 

many a hard fought battle. He was, in fact, a noted 
bruiser, whose ferocity and prowess were well known in 
those parts. He received Captain Crawford's order with 
an air of grim dissatisfaction, and remained for a moment 
silent, looking sullenly at the armed men, as if measur- 
ing their strength against his own weakness. He then 
observed to the Captain, that it was hard to be forced to 
go into such hard service against his will; that every 
man ought to have a fair chance; that he had not a 
fair chance, inasmuch as the odds against him were so 
great as to deprive him of the power of protecting his 
own rights. He thought the Captain was taking a mean 
advantage of him. He was as good a man as any of 
them, and he was not one to be imposed upon because 
they happened to catch him by himself, if he could help 
it. He would, however, make a proposition, which he 
thought the Captain was bound in honor to accede to. 

"I will fight you," said he, "or any man in your com- 
pany; if I am whipped,. I will go with you, without no 
grumbling, but if I conquer, you must let me off." 

In making this proposal, the sturdy teamster showed 
himself well acquainted with the ground he stood on. 
He either knew Crawford's character, or had read it 
during the interview. I The Captain was an expert woods- 
man, stout, active, and chivalrous, and prided himself on 
his personal prowess, for which he had already obtained 
some celebrity. ) He was young, and could not brook 
an imputation on his manhood. He was not a regular 
officer, restrained by rules of etiquette, but stood among 
his equals and friends, whose votes had elevated him 
to a temporary command over them. To refuse the wag- 
oner's challenge, might seem to indicate a want of spirit, 
or of confidence in his own manhood; it might lessen him 
in the eyes of his men ; and his own disposition and code 



124 A FIGHT. 

of ethics, perhaps, suggested that the knight of the whip 
was entitled in justice to the fair chance he claimed. He 
accordingly accepted the challenge, both parties began to 
strip, and the men prepared to form a ring, show fair 
play, and to see the fun. 

At this moment, a tall young man, who had lately 
joined the company, but was a stranger to most of them, 
and who had been leaning carelessly against a tree, eye- 
ing the scene with apparent unconcern, stepped forward 
and drew Crawford aside. 

"Captain," said he, "you must let me fight that fellow; 
he will whip you ; it will never do to have the company 
whipped ! " 

Crawford was not willing to bach out, especially for 
such reasons; but the youth insisted that to have the 
Captain beaten, which would be the certain result if he 
persisted, would tarnish the honor of the company, and, 
moreover, that he himself was the only man present who 
could flog this doughty teamster. The confidence of the 
youth, and a certain something about him which inspired 
confidence in others, enabled him to carry his point. 
Captain Crawford, having done all that policy required in 
accepting the challenge, very prudently suffered himself to 
be persuaded by his men to let the stranger take his place. 
f The combatants were soon stripped and ready for the 
fight. There was a great disparity in their appearance, 
the odds being decidedly in favor of the wagoners He 
was j in the vigor of life, big, muscular, well filled out, 
hardened by exposure, and experienced in affairs of this 
kind. His air was cool and professional, his mien defiant 
and confident of success. The youth, who, when clad in 
his loose hunting-shirt, seemed slender, now showed him- 
self a young giant. His frame had not yet acquired the 
fullness, the compactness, and the vigor of ripe manhood, 



THE WAGONER WHIPPED. 125 

which it afterwards possessed in so high a degree ; his 
limbs seemed to be loosely hung together, but his bones 
and muscles were enormous, his frame stalwart, and his 
eye full of courage. 

The conflict, though bloody, was short. The wagoner 
was completely and terribly beaten. "He was no part 
of a priming," in the expressive slang of the border, to 
the young David of the Virginians. He was "used up." 
The youth sprang upon him with the ferocity of an 
enraged tiger, and the battle was no longer doubtful. 
"Wherever the tremendous fist of the young man struck, it 
inflicted a severe wound. The blood followed every blow; 
and the Philistine, who had so vauntingly sought the 
battle, in a few minutes lay mangled and exhausted at the 
feet of his vanquisher, who was but little if at all hurt. 

That youth was Daniel Morgan, who had now, for 
the first time, taken the field against the enemies of his 
country, as a private soldier; who soon came again to 
the frontier as the leader of a company, and rose rapidly 
to the grades of Colonel and Major-General; who so often 
led our armies in battle, and was perhaps more frequently 
engaged with the enemy than any other officer in the 
American revolution. He was as celebrated for his great 
bodily strength, activity, and personal courage, as for his 
military genius. 

The above incident was related to me by my friend 
Morgan Neville, Esq., the grandson of General Morgan, 
an accomplished gentleman and scholar, an amiable and 
excellent man, who was widely known and respected. 
He was born in Pittsburgh, and lived many years in 
Cincinnati, where he died. He was an occasional con- 
tributor to the literature of the west, and was the author 
of that happy and well-known sketch, " Mike Fink, the 
Last of the Boatmen." 



126 HISTORICAL FACTS. 



CHAPTER VIII. 



Manners of the early settlers in Western Virginia — Mode of 
emigration — Habits of living — Hunting — Weddings — Religion. 

These historical facts should be kept in mind by those 
who are curious in their researches, in reference to the 
springs of national character. The strong peculiarities, 
and prominent points of western character, are most prop- 
erly sought among those who came first, who have lived 
longest under influences of a new country, and who have 
been least affected by the subsequent influx of emigrants 
from the sea-board. They are found best developed in 
western Pennsylvania, western Virginia, Kentucky, and 
Tennessee, and the more western settlements which have 
been formed chiefly from these States. They are least 
observable where the population is most mixed, and are 
scarcely perceptible in our large commercial towns and 
cities. 

We shall add here a few illustrations of the character 
and habits of the early settlers, selected from the work of 
Dr. Doddridge, to which we have already more than once 
referred. 

The book before us is the production of a reverend 
gentleman, who was reared in the wilderness, and was 
intimately acquainted with the whole subject on which 
he writes. His father came to western Virginia in 1773, 
during the deceptive calm which preceded the rupture of 



MANNERS OF THE EARLY SETTLERS. 127 

1774, usually called Dunmore's war. Brought up in the 
wilderness, the inmate of a cabin, Dr. Doddridge spent 
his whole life in the midst of those dangers and vicissi- 
tudes which make up the life of the borderer, and has 
detailed a variety of minute circumstances, which render 
his book exceedingly valuable. 

The author adverts, in an introductory chapter, to the 
feelings with which, at the age of fifty, he looks back 
upon a life, passed wholly amid the scenes of the wilder- 
ness, and embracing changes so rapid and so wonderful, 
as almost to exceed belief. His earliest recollections are 
of the log cabin, the fort, the boundless wilderness, and 
perils of the chase. His infant slumbers were disturbed 
by the yell of the Indian, and the scene of his sports was 
a forest in which danger lay ambushed under so many 
shapes, that even the child grew cunning in eluding, and 
self-possessed in meeting it. The exploits of the chase 
and of the border warfare formed the familiar gossip of 
the fire-side. Then followed the rapid expansion of the 
settlements, and the introduction of civil institutions — 
the ingress of inhabitants, the establishment of counties, 
the building up of villages, the erection of court-houses 
and places of worship, until at last, extensive farms, valu- 
able manufactories, commercial marts, and richly freighted 
vessels, occupied the places, which, in the memory of the 
writer, had been solitary places and scenes of carnage. 

Some of these reminiscences are amusing enough, yet 
afford matter of serious reflection, when we recollect that 
the privations described were those of thousands of the 
gallant men to whom we are indebted for the conquest of 
the country. 

He says, " some of the early settlers took the precau- 
tion to come over the mountains in the spring, leaving 
their families behind, to raise a crop of corn, and then 



128 THE YOUTH OF DR. DODDRIDGE. 

return and bring thern out in the fall. This I should 
think was the better way. Others, especially those whose 
families were small, brought them with them in the 
spring. My father took the latter course. His family 
was but small, and he brought them all with him. The 
Indian meal which he brought over the mountains, was 
expended six weeks too soon, so that for that length of 
time we had to live without bread. The lean venison, 
and the breast of wild turkeys, we were taught to call 
bread. The flesh of the bear was denominated meat. 
This artifice did not succeed very well ; after living in this 
way for some time, we became sickly; the stomach seemed 
to be always empty, and tormented with a sense of hun- 
ger. I remember how narrowly the children watched the 
growth of the potato tops, pumpkin and squash vines, 
hoping from day to day to get something to answer in 
the place of bread. How delicious was the taste of the 
young potatoes when we got them! What a jubilee when 
we were permitted to pull the young corn for roasting- 
ears! Still more so, when it had acquired sufficient hard- 
ness to be made into johnny-cakes, by the aid of a tin 
grater. We then became healthy, vigorous, and contented 
with our situation, poor as it was." — p. 100. 

"The furniture of the table, for several years after the 
settlement of this country, consisted of a few pewter 
dishes, plates, and spoons, but mostly of wooden bowls, 
trenchers, and noggins. If these last were scarce, gourds 
and hard-shelled squashes made up the deficiency. The 
iron pots, knives and forks, were brought from the east 
side of the mountains, along with salt and iron, on pack- 
horses." — p. 109. 

"I well recollect the first time I ever saw a teacup and 
saucer, and tasted coffee. My mother died when I was 
about six or seven years of age. My father then sent 



AMUSING REMINISCENCES. 129 

me to Maryland, with a brother of my grandfather, Mr. 
Alexander Wells, to go to school." 

"At Colonel Brown's, in the mountains, at Stony creek 
glades, I for the first time saw tame geese, and by banter- 
ing a pet gander, I got a severe biting by his bill, and 
beating by his wings. I wondered very much that birds 
so large and strong, should be so much tamer than the 
wild turkeys: at this place, however, all was right, ex- 
cepting the large birds which they called geese. The 
cabin and furniture were such as I had been accustomed 
to see in the backwoods, as my country was then called. 

" At Bedford, every thing was changed. The tavern at 
which my uncle put up, was a stone house, and to make 
the changes still more complete, it was plastered in the 
inside, both as to the walls and ceiling. On going into 
the dining-room, I was struck with astonishment at the 
appearance of the house. I had no idea that there was 
any house in the world that was not built of logs; but 
here I looked round and could see no logs, and above I 
could see no joists; whether such a thing had been made 
by the hands of man, or had grown so of itself, I could 
not conjecture. I had not the courage to inquire any 
thing about it. When supper came on, my confusion 
was "worse confounded." A little cup stood in a bigger 
one, with some brownish-looking stuff in it, which was 
neither milk, homminy, nor broth; what to do with these 
little cups, and the little spoons belonging to them, I 
could not tell; but I was afraid to ask any thing con- 
cerning the use of them. 

" It was in the time of the war, and the company were 
giving accounts of catching, whipping, and hanging tories. 
The word jail frequently occurred; this word I had 
never heard before; but I soon discovered, and was much 
terrified at its meaning, and supposed that we were in 



130 HIS IDEA OF CIVILIZATION. 

danger of the fate of the tories; for I thought as we had 
come from the backwoods, it was altogether likely that 
we must he tories too. For fear of being discovered, I 
durst not utter a single word. I therefore watched at- 
tentively to see what the big folks would do with their 
little cups and spoons. I imitated them, and found the 
taste of the coffee nauseous beyond any thing I ever had 
tasted in my life. I continued to drink as the rest of the 
company did, with tears streaming from my eyes ; but 
when it was to end, I was at a loss to know, as the little 
cups were filled immediately after being emptied. This 
circumstance distressed me very much, as I durst not say 
I had enough. Looking attentively at the grown persons, 
I saw one man turn his cup bottom upwards, and put his 
little spoon across it. I observed that after this his cup 
was not filled again ; I followed his example, and to my 
great satisfaction, the result as to my cup was the same." 

There is something in this anecdote very characteristic 
of the backwoods boy. All who have studied the habits 
of the people of the frontier, or indeed of any rude peo- 
ple, who are continually exposed to danger, have observed 
the wariness of the children, their independence, and their 
patience under suffering. Like the young partridge, that 
from the moment of its birth practices the arts necessary 
to its own safety, the child of the woods is self-dependent 
from early infancy. Such was the case in the scene so 
artlessly described by our author, where a child of six or 
seven years old, drank a nauseous beverage, for fear of 
giving offence, and instead of appealing to his relative for 
protection, observed and watched for himself, until he 
found out the means of relief by his own sagacity. An 
Indian boy would have done the same. 

The following anecdote will be new to some of our 
readers: "A neighbor of my father, some years after the 



ANECDOTE. 131 

settlement of the country, had collected a small drove of 
cattle for the Baltimore market. Amongst the hands 
employed to drive them, was one who had never seen any 
condition of society but that of the woodsmen. At one 
of their lodging-places in the mountain, the landlord and 
his hired man, in the course of the night, stole two of 
the bells belonging to the drove, and hid them in a piece 
of woods. 

"The drove had not gone far in the morning before the 
bells were missed, and a detachment went back to recover 
them. The men were found reaping the field of the land- 
lord. They were accused of the theft, but they denied 
the charge. The torture of sweating, according to the 
custom of that time, that is, of suspension by the arms, 
pinioned behind the backs, brought a confession. The 
bells were procured and hung round the necks of the 
thieves. In this condition they were driven on foot before 
the detachment until they overtook the drove, which by 
this time had gone nine miles. A halt was called, and a 
jury selected to try the culprits. They were condemned 
to receive a certain number of lashes on the bare back, 
from the hand of each drover. The man above alluded 
to was the owner of one of the bells ; when it came to 
his turn to use the hickory, "now," says he to the thief, 
"you infernal scoundrel, I'll work your jacket nineteen 
to the dozen — only think what a rascally figure I should 
make in the streets of Baltimore without a bell on my 
horse !" 

The man was in earnest; in a country where horses 
and cattle are pastured in the range, bells are necessary 
to enable the owners to find them ; to the traveler who 
encamps in the wilderness, they are indispensable, and the 
individual described had probably never been placed in a 
situation in which they were not requisite. 



132 WESTERN HUNTERS. 

Hunting was an important part of the employment of 
the early settlers. For some years after their emigration, 
the forest supplied them with the greater part of their 
subsistence ; some families were without bread for months 
at a time, and it often happened that the first meal of the 
day could not be prepared until the hunter returned with 
the spoils of the chase. Fur and peltry were the circula- 
ting medium of the country ; the hunter had nothing else 
to give in exchange for rifles, salt, lead, and iron. Hunt- 
ing, therefore, was the employment, rather than the sport, 
of the pioneers; yet it was pursued with the alacrity and 
sense of enjoyment which attends an exciting and favorite 
amusement. Dangerous and fatiguing as are its vicis- 
situdes, those who become accustomed to the chase, gene- 
rally retain through life their fondness for the rifle. 

" The class of hunters with whom I was best acquaint- 
ed," says our author, "were those whose hunting ranges 
were on the western side of the river, and at the distance 
of eight or nine miles from it. As soon as the leaves 
were pretty well down, and the weather became rainy, ac- 
companied with light snows, these men, after acting the 
part of husbandmen, so far as the state* "of warfare per- 
mitted them to do, began to feel that they were hunters, 
and became uneasy at home. Every thing about them 
became disagreeable. The house was too warm, the feather 
bed too soft, and even the good-wife was not thought, for 
the time being, an agreeable companion. The mind of 
the hunter was wholly occupied with the camp and chase. 

"I have often seen them get up early in the morning, 
at this season, walk hastily out and look anxiously to the 
woods, and snuff the autumnal winds with the highest 
rapture, then return into the house and cast a quick and 
attentive look at the rifle, which was always suspended to 
a joist by a couple of buck-horns, or wooden forks. The 



A HUNTING CAMP, 133 

hunting dog, understanding the intentions of his master, 
would wag his tail, and by every blandishment in his 
power, express his readiness to accompany him to the 
woods." — p. 124. 

A hunt usually occupied several days, and often ex- 
tended to weeks; the hunter living in a camp, hidden in 
some secluded place, to which he retired every night, and 
where he kept his store of ammunition and other plun- 
der. There were individuals who remained for months 
together in the woods, and spent the greater part of their 
lives in these camps, which are thus described: 

"A hunting-camp, or what was called a half-faced cabin, 
was of the following form : the back part of it was some- 
times a large log; at the distance of eight or ten feet from 
this, two stakes were set in the ground a few inches apart; 
and at the distance of eight or ten feet from these, two 
more, to receive the ends of poles for the sides of the 
camp. The whole slope of the roof was from the front 
to the back. The covering was made of slabs, skins, or 
blankets, or if in the spring of the year, the bark of the 
hickory or ash tree. The front was left entirely open. The 
fire was built directly before this opening. The cracks 
between the poles were filled with moss. Dry leaves 
served for a bed. It is thus that a couple of men, in a 
few hours, will construct for themselves a temporary, but 
tolerably comfortable defence against the inclemencies of 
the weather. 

"The site for the camp was selected with all the sa- 
gacity of the woodsmen, so as to have it sheltered by the 
surrounding hills from every wind, but more especially from 
those of the north and south." The author might have 
added, that these shelters were so artfully concealed, as to 
be seldom discovered except by accident. He continues: 

" An uncle of mine, of the name of Samuel Teter, 



134 HUNTING SCENES. 

occupied the same camp for several years in succession. 
It was situated on one of the southern branches of Cross 
creek. Although I lived many years not more than fif- 
teen miles from the place, it was not till within a very few 
years ago, that I discovered its situation. It was shown 
me by a gentleman living in the neighborhood. Viewing 
the hills round about it, I soon discovered the sagacity 
of the hunter in the site of his camp. Not a wind could 
touch him; and unless by the report of his gun or the 
sound of his axe, it would have been mere accident if an 
Indian had discovered his concealment. 

" Hunting was not a mere ramble in pursuit of game, 
in which there was nothing of skill and calculation ; on 
the contrary, the hunter, before he set out in the morn- 
ing, was informed by the state of weather in what situa- 
tion he might reasonably expect to meet with his game ; 
whether on the bottoms, or on the sides or tops of the 
hills. In stormy weather, the deer always seek the most 
sheltered places, and the leeward sides of hills. In 
rainy weather, when there is not much wind, they keep 
in the open woods, on the highest ground. 

"In every situation, it was requisite for the hunter to 
ascertain the course of the wind, so as to get to leeward 
of the game. 

"As it was requisite, too, for the hunter to know the 
cardinal points, he had only to observe the trees to ascer- 
tain them. The bark of an aged tree is thicker and much 
rougher on the north than on the south side. The same 
thing may be said of the moss. 

"The whole business of the hunter consists in a series 
of stratagems. From morning till night he was on the 
alert to gain the wind of his game, and approach them 
without being discovered. If he succeeded in killing a 
deer, he skinned it, and hung it up out of the reach of 



A FRONTIER WEDDING. 135 

the wolves, and immediately resumed the chase till the 
close of the evening, when he bent his course towards his 
camp; when he arrived there he kindled up his fire, and, 
together with his fellow- hunter, cooked his supper. The 
supper finished, the adventures of the day furnished the 
tales for the evening. The spike buck, the two and three 
pronged buck, the doe, and barren doe, figure through 
their anecdotes. After hunting awhile on the same 
ground, the hunters became acquainted with nearly all 
the gangs of deer within their range, so as to know each 
flock when they saw them. Often some old buck, by 
means of his superior sagacity and watchfulness, saved 
his little gang from the hunter's skill, by giving timely 
notice of his approach. The cunning of the hunter, and 
of the old buck, were staked against each other, and it 
frequently happened that at the conclusion of the hunt- 
ing season, the old fellow was left the free uninjured 
tenant of his forest; but if his rival succeeded in bringing 
him down, the victory was followed by no small amount 
of boasting. 

"Many of the hunters rested from their labors on the 
Sabbath day; some from a motive of piety; others said 
that whenever they hunted on Sunday they were sure to 
have bad luck for the remainder of the week." 

Among other graphic sketches, the reverend historian 
gives the following account of a wedding in the olden 
times. 

" In the morning of the wedding-day, the groom and 
his attendants assembled at the house of his father, for 
the purpose of reaching the mansion of his bride by noon, 
which was the usual time for celebrating the nuptials; 
which for certain must take place before dinner. 

"Let the reader imagine an assemblage of people, with- 
out a store, tailor, or mantuamaker ; within a hundred 



13(3 A BRIDAL PARTY 

miles, and an assemblage of horses, without a blacksmith 
or saddler within an equal distance. The gentlemen, 
dressed in shoepacks, moccasins, leather breeches, leggins, 
and linsey hunting-shirts, all home-made; the ladies in 
linsey petticoats, and linsey or linen short-gowns, coarse 
shoes and stockings, handkerchiefs, and buckskin gloves, 
if any. If there were any buckles, rings, buttons, or 
ruffles, they were relics of old times — family pieces from 
parents or grand-parents. 

" The horses were caparisoned with old saddles, old 
bridles or halters, and pack-saddles, with a bag or blanket 
thrown over them; a rope or string as often constituted 
the girth as a piece of leather. 

"The march in double file was often interrupted by 
the narrowness and obstructions of our horse-paths, as 
they were called, for we had no roads; and these diffi- 
culties were often increased, sometimes by the good, and 
sometimes by the ill-will of neighbors, by falling trees 
and tying grape-vines across the way. Sometimes an 
ambuscade was formed by the way-side, and an unex- 
pected discharge of several guns took place, so as to 
cover the wedding company with smoke. Let the reader 
imagine the scene which followed; the sudden spring of 
the horses, the shrieks of the girls, and the chivalric 
bustle of their partners to save them from falling. Some- 
times, in spite of all that could be done to prevent it, 
some were thrown to the ground. If a wrist, an elbow, 
or an ancle, happened to be sprained, it was tied up 
with a handkerchief, and little more said or thought 
about it." 

The author describes minutely the dinner, which was 
"a substantial backwoods feast of beef, pork, fowls, ven- 
ison, and bear meat, roasted and boiled, with plenty of 
potatoes, cabbage, and other vegetables," — and the dan- 



+* 



CHRISTIAN MINISTERS. 137 

cing, which consisted of "three and four-handed reels, 
square sets, and jigs," and which "generally lasted till the 
next morning." 

We leave out many amusing and curious descriptions, 
relating to the customs of this primitive people, to make 
room for the following remarks, which, coming from the 
pen of an aged and respectable Christian minister, are 
worthy of an attentive perusal. In a chapter on " civili- 
zation," the author remarks the happy change in the 
moral and physical condition of the people among whom 
he has spent his life, points out many of the causes, and 
then proceeds as follows: 

"The ministry of the gospel has contributed, no doubt 
immensely, to the happy change which has been effected 
in the state of our western society. At an early period 
of our settlements, three presbyterian clergymen com- 
menced their clerical labors: the Rev. Joseph Smith, the 
Rev. John McMillan, and the Rev. Mr. Bowers; the two 
latter of whom are still living. They were pious, patient, 
laborious men, who collected their people into regular 
congregations, and did all for them that their circum- 
stances would allow. It was no disparagement to them, 
that their first churches were the shady groves, and their 
first pulpits a kind of tent constructed of a few rough 
slabs, and covered with clapboards. He who dwelleth not 
exclusively in temples made with hands, was propitious 
to their devotions. 

"From the outset, they prudently resolved to create a 
ministry in the country, and accordingly established little 
grammar schools at their own houses, or in their imme- 
diate neighborhoods. The course of education which they 
gave their pupils, was indeed not extensive; but the piety 
of those that entered into the ministry, more than made 
up the deficiency. They formed societies, most of which 
12 



138 JEFFERSON COLLEGE. 

are now large and respectable; and, in point of education, 
their ministry has much improved." 

This is taken from a book published in 1824, and of 
course was not written with any view to the questions 
which have subsequently been vexed ; but what a severe 
rebuke does it convey to those who are continually rail- 
ing against the ignorance and irreligion of the west, and 
are inviting colonies from lands supposed to be more 
highly enlightened in reference to religion. The venerable 
pioneers of religion did not discover any sterility in the 
intellect of the west, which rendered instruction less effi- 
cacious here than elsewhere, and "they prudently resolved 
to create a ministry in the country" Instead of inviting 
men from abroad, they established "grammar schools at 
their own houses," and prepared the sons of their 
neighbors for the pulpit and the bar. This is the true 
theory, and the only one under which any country can 
flourish. 

"About the year 1792, an academy was established at 
Cannonsburgh, in Washington county, in the western part 
of Pennsylvania, which was afterwards incorporated under 
the name of Jefferson College. 

"The means possessed by the society for the under- 
taking, were indeed but small; but they not only erected 
a tolerable edifice for the academy, but created a fund for 
the education of such pious young men as were desirous 
of entering into the ministry, but unable to defray the 
expenses of their education. 

"This institution has been remarkably successful in its 
operations. It has produced a large number of good 
scholars in all the literary professions, and added im- 
mensely to the science of the country. 

"Next to this, Washington College, situated in the 
county town of the county of that name, has been the 



RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES. 139 

means of diffusing much of the light of science through 
the western country. 

"Too much praise cannot be bestowed on those good 
men, who opened these fruitful sources of instruction for 
our infant country, at so early a period of its settlement. 
They have immensely improved the departments of the- 
ology, law, medicine, and legislation, in the western re- 
gions. 

"At a later period, the Methodist Society began their 
labors in the western parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania; 
their progress at first was slow, but their zeal and perse- 
verance at length 'overcame every obstacle, so that they 
are now one of the most numerous and respectable socie- 
ties in this country. The itinerant plan of their ministry 
is well calculated to convey the gospel throughout a thinly 
scattered population. Accordingly, their ministry has kept 
pace with the extension of our settlements. The little 
cabin was scarcely built, and the little field fenced in, 
before these evangelical teachers made their appearance 
among the inhabitants, collected them into societies, and 
taught them the worship of Glod. 

"Had it not been for the labors of these indefatigable 
men, our country, as to a great extent of its settlements, 
would have been, at this day, a semi-barbarous region. 
How many thousands, and tens of thousands, of the most 
ignorant and licentious of our population, have they in- 
structed and reclaimed from the error of their ways? 
They have restored to society even the most worthless, 
and made them valuable and respectable as citizens, and 
useful in all the relations of life. Their numerous and 
zealous ministry bids fair to carry on the good work to 
any extent which our settlements and population may 
require. 

"With the Catholics I have but little acquaintance, but 



140 VARIOUS DENOMINATIONS. 

have every reason to believe, that, in proportion to the 
extent of their flocks, they have done well. In this conn- 
try, they have received the episcopal visitations of their 
bishops. In Kentucky, they have a cathedral, a college, 
and a bishop. 

" Their clergy, with apostolic zeal, but in an unosten 
tatious manner, have sought out and ministered to their 
scattered flocks throughout the country ; and, as far as I 
know, with good success. 

"The Societies of Friends in the western country are 
numerous, and their establishments in good order. Al- 
though not much in favor of a classical education, they 
are nevertheless in the habit of giving their people a sub- 
stantial English education. Their habits of industry, and 
attention to the useful arts and improvements, are highly 
honorable to themselves, and worthy of imitation. 

"The Baptists, in the state of Kentucky, took the lead 
in the ministry, and with great success. Their establish- 
ments are, as I am informed, at present numerous and 
respectable. 

" The German Lutheran and Reformed churches in our 
country, as far as I know, are doing well. The number 
of Lutheran congregations is said to be at least one hun- 
dred; that of the Reformed, it is presumed, is about the 
same amount." 

He remarks, that the Germans have the best churches, 
organs, and grave-yards; and adds — "It is a fortunate 
circumstance that those of our citizens who labor under 
the disadvantage of speaking a foreign language, are 
blessed with a ministry so evangelical as that of these 
very numerous and respectable societies." 

It is refreshing to read this simple and clear, yet im- 
partial exposition of the labors of Christians of different 
sects, and to know that they have respectively done their 



A REFLECTION. 141 

duty — refreshing to learn that a numerous and zealous 
ministry were industriously employed in laying the foun- 
dations of education and religion, while many of those 
were yet unborn, who now are most fluent in describing 
the ignorance, destitution and moral depravity, of our 
country. 



142 LOCATION OF INDIAN VILLAGES. 



CHAPTER IX. 

Early discoveries in Kentucky — Its occupation by Indians — An 
anecdote of two of the pioneers — John Finley's visit — Those of 
M 'Bride, Dr. Walker, Boone, and others. 

It is a curious fact, that the first explorers of this 
region found no Indians settled upon the shores of the 
Ohio. Throughout the whole length of this beautiful 
river, not a single vestige of an Indian town is to be 
found. The aboriginal tribes, who are always at war, 
seem to have had regard chiefly to that state, in choos- 
ing the sites of their villages. For savages, situated as 
they were, the most commanding positions were those 
lying near the sources of large rivers, from which they 
could descend in their canoes to attack an enemy below 
them, while their own villages would be approached 
with difficulty by canoes attempting to ascend against 
the stream. Where the head waters of two rivers ap- 
proached and flowed away in different directions, affording 
increased facilities for sending off hunting expeditions 
and war parties, a spot in contact with both streams pos- 
sessed unusual advantages, and such places were generally 
occupied. But it will be seen, that, for the same reasons, 
the shores of a large river like the Ohio, into which nu- 
merous tributaries of great size and length poured their 
waters, would be exposed, above all others, to the attacks 
of savage warfare, as they would be easily accessible from 
a variety of directions. 



THE DARK AND BLOODY GROUND. 143 

It is not known that any tribe was ever settled perma- 
nently in Kentucky; no ownership was exercised over 
that region, when first visited by the whites ; and no ex- 
clusive title was vested in any nation of Indians, though 
several claims were set up, the most important of which 
was that of the Cherokees. It was a common hunting- 
ground for many tribes, who visited it from a great dis- 
tance, roaming over its rich pastures in the seasons for 
taking game, and making it their temporary residence 
during a part of every year, for that purpose. It was also 
the great battle-ground of the Indians, who met here in 
desperate conflict — either accidentally, when engaged in 
hunting, or by concert, in the mutual pursuance of a 
policy which induced them to carry their wars as far as 
possible from home. The name applied to it by the sav- 
ages — the dark and bloody ground — is terribly significant 
of the sanguinary character of those conflicts, which ren- 
dered this region celebrated in the traditionary legends of 
that ferocious race. Whether any superstition invested 
the scenes of so many battles with a peculiar awe, and 
rendered the savage reluctant to reside here, where he 
might suppose the spirits of the fallen to be wandering, 
we have not the means of knowing; we are only informed 
of the fact, that a tract of country the most luxuriant, 
the most abundant in game, and the most prolific in all 
the fruits, and in the spontaneous productions of nature, 
which yield food or other necessaries of life to the wan- 
dering tribes, was an uninhabited wilderness. 

Although the pioneers found the country unoccupied 
by a resident population, and might properly have taken 
possession, without violating any law of nations, or moral 
principle; yet it was precisely in that condition which 
rendered any attempt to settle the land particularly dan- 
gerous. These boundless forests swarmed with parties 



144 THE PIONEERS. 

of hostile savages, who resided too far from the settle- 
ments of the whites to fear their power, or to feel any 
wish to conciliate their friendship. Their own villages 
and families were, as they supposed, too distant to be ex- 
posed to the danger of retaliation. They were abroad, 
unincumbered with property or dependents, and prepared 
for war: no delay was suggested by prudence, nor any 
time required for consultation. A hated race had in- 
truded into the hunting-grounds, for the possession of 
which they had long disputed among themselves, and 
with one accord the arms of all were turned against the 
invaders. 

The pioneers were few ; they acted on their own re- 
sponsibility, with the countenance merely, not the aid of 
the government. In the whole history of the settlement 
of Kentucky, comprising a period of twenty years, neither 
men nor munitions were sent to these infant settlements. 
It was not until the Indians had been repeatedly beaten, 
and the power of our countrymen was completely estab- 
lished in Kentucky, that the government began to send 
troops to the west; and the names of Wilkinson, Har- 
mar, St. Clair, Clarke, and Wayne, are found in the an- 
nals of border warfare. And these officers acted chiefly 
on the Western shores of the Ohio. Yet the pioneers 
were almost always successful in their battles, and the 
progress of the settlements was never stopped. They 
continued to increase steadily in numbers, and to spread 
gradually over the land. Although the warfare of the 
Indians was of the most unsparing character, accompanied 
with all the atrocities of the tomahawk, the firebrand, and 
the stake, the courage of the pioneers was never damped, 
and their conduct was equal to every emergency. With- 
out detracting in the least from their merits, it may be 
inferred, from some of the facts above stated, that the 



PECULIAR HABITS. 145 

war against them was never conducted with much skill 
or concert. Both parties were far from any place which 
could afford supply or relief, and neither possessed the 
requisite facilities for any long-sustained effort. The one 
party usually surprised the other, and the conflict was 
brief, sanguinary, and, for the time, decisive. 

"We have alluded, in our introductory chapter, to the 
character of the pioneers, and the mode of the earliest 
emigration to Kentucky. We shall now extend these re- 
marks as far only as is necessary to an understanding 
of the peculiar habits of that remarkably original race, 
and to the elucidation of their early history. 

About the year 1749, a citizen of Frederick county, in 
Virginia, who was subject to occasional fits of insanity, 
roamed off into the woods, as was usually his practice 
under such circumstances. Having rambled farther to- 
wards the west than was then customary with the hunters, 
he came to the waters of Greenbriar river ; and, on his 
return, reported that he had found a stream whose waters 
ran to the west, and whose shores abounded in game. 
This intelligence excited the curiosity of the public ; but 
we do not hear of any serious attempt to penetrate into 
the wilderness. The first desultory effort was that of 
Jacob Marlin and Stephen Sewell, who wandered out to 
Greenbriar, and established themselves in a cabin upon 
its banks. It seems, however, that if there be but two 
men in a country, they will find a subject for contention; 
at all events, it happened so with Marlin and Sewell, who 
quarreled, and the latter, for the sake of. peace, quitted 
their cabin, and took up his abode in a hollow tree. In 
this situation they were found by General Andrew Lewis, 
who, in the year 1757, proceeded to the Greenbriar 
country, to superintend the survey of a grant of one 
hundred thousand acres of land, made to a company of 
13 



146 MARLIN AND SEW ELL. 

individuals by the governor and council of Virginia. On 
inquiring of these eccentric beings, what could induce 
them to live separately in a wilderness so distant from 
all other human beings, they replied, that a difference 
of opinion had induced them to part, and that, since the 
division of interests, their intercourse had been more 
amicable. Sewell added, that each morning, when they 
arose, Marlin came forth from his house, and himself from 
the hollow tree, and they saluted each other with, "Good 
morning, Mr. Marlin!" "Good morning, Mr. Sewell!" a 
practice which he considered as conclusive evidence of the 
good understanding and mutual courtesy of the parties. 
Mr. Sewell, however, was not fully satisfied even in this 
agreeable neighborhood, but removed about forty miles 
further west, where he was found by the Indians, and 
killed. 

Previous to the year 1755, General Lewis had com- 
pleted the survey of about fifty thousand acres ; but, the 
war then commencing between England and France, the 
work was abandoned. In 1761, the British government 
issued a proclamation commanding all the colonists within 
the bounds of Virginia, who had made settlements on the 
western waters, to remove from them, as those lands were 
claimed by the Indians, and good policy required that the 
government should prevent any interference with their 
rights. As this is one of a very few instances in which 
Great Britain even pretended to respect the rights of the 
aborigines, we must, in searching for the true cause of 
this order, endeavor to find some other than the one as- 
signed. The prevention of bloodshed had not, heretofore, 
formed any part of the policy of the mother country, 
whose plan had rather been to render the colonists more 
dependent upon herself, by keeping them embroiled with 
the Indians, and by confining their settlements to the 



dr. walker's explorations. 147 

seaboard, where her own power could be most readily con- 
centrated, and most vigorously exerted. 

But although this measure of the government checked 
the spirit of enterprise which had just then been awaken- 
ed, and caused the abandonment of schemes for the colo- 
nization of the western lands, which had been formed by 
gentlemen of wealth and education, it did not entirely 
crush the newly kindled desire for exploring this delight- 
ful region. 

There is a tradition that a person named M'Bride visit- 
ed Kentucky, and cut his name on a tree at the mouth 
of Kentucky river, in 1754. If there is any truth in the 
rumour, it does not appear that he made any report which 
was believed, or by which others were induced to follow 
his adventurous footsteps. 

In 1747. Dr. Walker, a gentleman of Virginia, led a 
small party to explore Powell's valley, east of the Laurel 
ridge, which he called Cumberland mountain. Receiving 
intelligence, from some source which is now not known, 
that the Ohio might be reached, at no great distance, by 
traveling in a north-eastwardly direction, he proceeded 
on that course until he came to Big Sandy river, having 
entirely missed the Ohio and the fertile region of 
Kentucky. 

He returned home after a journey of prodigious labor, 
chiefly among the mountains ; and his report was rather 
calculated to repress than to excite curiosity. 

In 1750, he crossed the Cumberland mountain, in com- 
pany with Colby Chew, Ambrose Powell, and others, but 
did not reach the Kentucky river. 

He made several subsequent excursions into this region, 
and it is probable that to this circumstance may be at- 
tributed the mistakes which have been made in reference 
to the date of his first visit. We adopt that which Mr. 



148 JAMES SMITH. — DANIEL BOONE. 

Butler, in his History of Kentucky, has, upon good evi- 
dence, proved to be the correct one. 

It appears by a manuscript affidavit of Dr. Walker, 
which we have examined, that in the month of April, 1750, 
he visited the waters of the Cumberland, and gave its 
present name to that river. Its original name was Shawa- 
noe, and it is greatly to be deplored that a designation 
at once euphonious and appropriate, should have been 
abandoned, without reason, for a foreign appellation. 

In Virginia, Lewis Evans made and published a map 
of Kentucky, in 1752, from a description given him by 
the Indians. 

In 1766, James Smith visited Kentucky, but we know 
little of his adventures. 

The first adventurer who is known to have penetrated 
through Kentucky to the Ohio, was John Finley, who, 
with a few companions, traversed this region in 1767. Of 
him or his adventures little is known. His account of 
the country — its extent, its fertility, the abundance of 
game, and the exuberance of the vegetation, were con- 
sidered fabulous; and his name would probably have been 
lost, had it not become connected with that of Daniel 
Boone, to whom he acted as guide in a subsequent ex- 
pedition. 

Boone was a man of strongly marked character. There 
is no proof that he possessed great talents, or that he 
could have shone in any other station than that in which 
he was placed. His bodily vigor, his love of hunting, 
his courage, and his perfect equanimity of mind under 
every vicissitude of fortune, were the prominent points in 
his character; and his singular adventures, with the fact 
of his being the first successful explorer of this region, 
have rendered his name celebrated. He was not a misan- 
thrope, who retired to the woods because he was disgusted 



CHARACTER OF BOONE. 149 

with the world, but a man of social and benevolent feel- 
ings, of mild and unassuming manners, and of the strictest 
integrity. He was bold and daring, deeply imbued with 
the spirit of adventure, and gifted with an uncommon 
share of that cool, indomitable courage, which cannot easily 
be daunted or surprised, that is seldom excited into rash- 
ness or chilled into despondency, and that enables its 
possessor to act with calmness in every emergency. 

The character of Boone has been entirely misunder- 
stood, and the inducements which first led him into the 
wilderness altogether mistaken. We shall not stop here 
to rebuke the mendacity of sordid writers, who have been 
tempted by pecuniary considerations, to palm upon the 
world, under guise of sober biography, a series of spurious 
adventures, which have composed the story of Boone, 
and corrupted the history of the times. Such impudent 
impostures carry within themselves a self-destroying in- 
fluence, which puts an early period to their existence. 

The only authentic account of the first visit of Daniel 
Boone to Kentucky, is found in a pamphlet written by 
John Filson, from the dictation of Boone himself, in the 
year 1789. In this, he mentions that, "on the first of 
May, 1769 he left his peaceable habitation on the Yadkin 
river, in North Carolina," and proceeded to explore the 
country of Kentucky, in company with John Finley, 
John Stewart, and three others. Squire Boone, the 
brother of Daniel, afterwards joined them in the wil- 
derness. "We find no record of any particular errand 
which induced the perilous wanderings of these men, 
other than that which allured so many others to this 
blooming desert; nor is there the slightest reason for 
setting Boone apart from his companions, as one differ- 
ing from them in views or character. He was not an 
eccentric man, nor did he stand in a class by himself. 



150 BOONE FIRST VISITS KENTUCKY. 

His character and adventures are studied and admired, 
not because he was sui generis, but because lie was a com- 
plete and admirable specimen of the class to which he 
belonged. A naturalist, in selecting a specimen for de- 
scription or preservation in a cabinet, takes that which 
is most perfect, and least adulterated by any foreign ad- 
mixture. There were thousands of backwoodsmen, who 
belonged to the same class with Boone, and resembled 
him in their lives, tastes, and adventures, and he is only 
celebrated from the circumstance of his being the best 
specimen of this singular race, that has happened to at- 
tract public attention. The simplicity of his character 
made him more purely a backwoodsman, than any other 
man — -just as simplicity of character attracts observation 
to talents or excellence of any kind, by creating a single- 
ness of purpose and effort, which leaves the strong points 
of the natural mind, unincumbered by the artificial re- 
finements, the distracting passions, and the diversified 
pursuits, which surround and conceal the native genius 
of most individuals. 

Boone and his companions were inflamed with curiosity, 
by the accounts which they had heard of the surpassing 
beauty and fertility of Kentucky; and this, which was 
certainly a sufficient inducement to men of erratic habits 
and courageous temperament, might have been the only 
motive for their journey. But there is some reason to be- 
lieve that even in his first visit to Kentucky, Boone came 
as the agent of some wealthy individuals in North Caro- 
lina, who were desirous to speculate in these lands, and 
who selected him to make the first reconnoisance of the 
country, not only because he was an intrepid hunter, but 
in consideration of his judgment and probity. It is cer- 
tain that he was thus employed immediately after his re- 
turn, and that he continued for many years to be engaged 



SOLITARY IN THE WILDERNESS. 151 

in the transaction of business for others, to the entire 
neglect of his personal aggrandisement. 

Be this as it may, the adventures of these bold ex- 
plorers are full of romantic interest. They found the 
land filled with hostile Indians, against whose arts they 
were obliged to keep a continual watch. By day they 
wandered with stealthy steps, adding to their boldness of 
purpose, the vigilance that ensures success, and at night 
they crept into the most secret coverts for repose; prac- 
ticing the arts of savage life for subsistence, and the stra- 
tagems of border warfare for protection. Superior to the 
red men in the devices of their own sylvan strategy, they 
eluded, or beat them, and continued to roam through 
these blooming deserts, if not with impunity, at least 
with a decree of success that seems marvellous. 

Boone continued to explore the wilderness for two 
years, with no little variety of fortune, but with that in- 
domitable perseverance which formed a leading trait in 
his character. Once, himself and a companion were cap- 
tured, and escaped; more than once their camp was plun- 
dered; they were robbed of their arms and ammunition, 
and left to glean a subsistence as they might, without the 
weapons which in the backwoods are necessaries, equally 
requisite in defending life and procuring food. One of 
the party was killed; the rest returned home, except 
Boone, and his brother, the latter of whom having arrived 
since the disarming of the party, was able to supply the 
pioneer with a gun and ammunition. They wintered to- 
gether in a cabin formed of poles and bark. In the 
spring of 1770, the brother returned to North Carolina, 
leaving Daniel Boone alone in the woods, the only white 
man known to be in Kentuck} r . 

If any proof was wanting, of the ardor with which 
Boone pursued his designs, or the courage that he im- 



152 NEW EXPLORERS. 

parted to others, it would be found in this separation of 
the brothers ; the one singly undertaking a painful and 
dangerous journey, of several hundred miles, without a 
path or a guide, the other remaining alone in the midst 
of a wilderness, separated from the habitations of white 
men by a range of almost inaccessible mountains, and 
surrounded by hundreds of enemies, who eagerly sought 
his life, and daily traced his footsteps with unwearied 
hostility. The intrepid pioneer continued to rove through 
the forest, subsisting upon game, and eluding the Indians 
by cunning devices, until the return of his brother, in the 
July of the same year; they explored the country to- 
gether during the remainder of that year, again wintered 
in the wilderness, and in the spring of 1771, returned to 
their families. 

In 1769, Hancock Taylor, Richard Taylor, and others, 
descended the Ohio to the falls, and proceeded thence to 
New Orleans, and back to Virginia by sea. 

About the same time, a party, consisting of about forty 
hunters, from New River, Holston, and Clinch, united in 
an expedition to the west, and nine of the party, led by 
Colonel James Knox, reached Kentucky. They pene- 
trated to the waters of Green River, and the lower part 
of Cumberland. 

In the year 1773, Thomas Bullit, Hancock Taylor, and 
the M'Afees, engaged with ardor and success in the busi- 
ness of exploring and settling Kentucky, and became 
conspicuous individuals in the new community. 



TREATY WITH THE SIX NATIONS. 153 



CHAPTER X. 



Purchases from the Indians — Treaty of Fort Stanwix — Treaty 
of Lochaber — Purchases by individuals — The Transylvania 
Company. 

In the year 1774 commenced a series of events, which 
exerted a decided influence on the early growth of the 
settlements in Kentucky, but which, in most of the pub- 
lished narratives of the liistories of those times, are not 
mentioned, and in others barely alluded to. As these 
facts will be new to the public, and as the writer has had 
the opportunity of investigating them carefully, from the 
original papers of some of the gentlemen concerned, 
placed in his hands through a source of unquestionable 
respectability, this fragment of the history of the pioneers 
will be developed with some degree of minuteness. 

A few preliminary observations, however, may be neces- 
sary to elucidate this subject with greater clearness. The 
several explorations of the country bordering on the Ohio, 
to which we have alluded, although they did not elicit any 
great amount of accurate information, either in respect to 
its extent or advantages, threw into circulation a mass of 
reports which strongly excited the public mind, and 
induced the functionaries of Great Britain and of the 
colonies, as well as a number of intelligent individuals, to 
turn their attention to this region. In 1768, at a treaty 
held with the Six Nations by Sir "William Johnson, the 



154 TREATY OF LOCHABER. 

claim of those nations to all the lands on the south-east 
side of the Ohio river, as far down as the Cherokee river, 
was purchased by Great Britain. The title of the Six 
Nations to any part of this country, seems to have been 
extremely problematical. AYe are not aware of any that 
a savage people can have, but that of actual occupancy; 
and there is no proof of their having ever resided in any 
part of it, or that their conquests were at any time ex- 
tended into the Mississippi valley. It is probable that 
Great Britain did not investigate that matter with- critical 
nicety, but rather pursued the policy, since adopted by 
the United States, of purchasing the conflicting Indian 
titles, and of making her own claim secure by merging in 
it all others. Nor was this purchase made for the pur- 
pose of facilitating the settlement of the west, which the 
parent country always discouraged; but to secure the pos- 
session to herself of the interior frontier, and to prevent 
the founding of colonies in juxta position with her own, 
by any other nation. 

It was in accordance with these views, that Great Britain 
authorised the treaty of 1768, during the existence of an 
order in council which prohibited the settlement of the 
western lands; and that, in 1770, Lord Botetourie, at the 
urgent instance of the general assembly of Virginia, made 
arrangements for the extinguishment of the title of the 
Cherokees to the same territory. On the fifth of October 
of that year, a treaty was accordingly held wrth those 
Indians, at Lochaber, in South Carolina, by John Stew- 
art, superintendent of Indian affairs, acting under the 
auspices of the colony of Virginia, when a boundary line 
was established between the contracting parties, ''begin- 
ning at Holstein river, six miles above Big Island, thence 
running in a direct line till it should strike the mouth 
of the Great Kenhawa." John Donaldson, the surveyor 



ENLARGED BOUNDARIES. 155 

who traced this line by an appointment from the president 
and council of Virginia, states, in a manuscript affidavit 
which we have seen, '"that, in the progress of the work, 
they came to the head of Louisa, now Kentucky river, 
when the Little Carpenter (a Cherokee chief,) observed, 
that his nation delighted in having their lands marked 
out by natural boundaries; and proposed that, instead of 
the line agreed upon at Lochaber, as aforesaid, it should 
break off at the head of Louisa river, and run thence to 
the mouth thereof, and thence up the Ohio to the mouth 
of the Great Kenhawa." This boundary was accordingly 
agreed to by the surveyor. It is further stated, by the 
same authority, "that leave having been granted by the 
king of Great Britain, to treat with the Cherokees for a 
more extensive boundary than that which had been estab- 
lished at the treaty of Hard Labour, provided the Vir- 
ginians would be at the expense of purchasing the same, 
the general assembly voted the sum of £2.500 sterling 
for that purpose, which sum was accordingly paid to the 
Cherokees," in consideration, as we presume, of the addi- 
tional lands gained by the alteration of the line by the 
surveyor, and in confirmation of his act. 

These proceedings are only important now, as they 
show that, by the treaties of Fort Stanwix and Lochaber, 
the conflicting Indian titles were extinguished, south of 
the Ohio river, as far west as the Kentucky river. 

About this period, a number of enterprising gentlemen 
in Virginia and North Carolina began to turn their at- 
tention to the region west of the Kentucky river, with 
the view of purchasing estates in fee simple, for them- 
selves, directly from the Indians. 

We have before us a deposition, in manuscript, of the 
celebrated Patrick Henry, in which he states, that, early 
in the year 1774, he entered into an arrangement with the 



156 PATRICK HENRY'S DEPOSITION. 

Hon. William Byrd, John Page, Esq., and Col. William 
Christian, all of Virginia, for the purpose of purchasing, 
from the Cherokees, "some of their land on the waters 
of their own river in Virginia," and that they sent a 
Mr. Kennedy to the Cherokee nation, to ascertain the 
practicability of the scheme. The report of the agent 
was, that they were willing to treat on the subject, " Not 
long after this," says the document in our possession, 
"and before any treaty was resolved on, the troubles with 
Great Britain seemed to threaten serious consequences; 
and this deponent became a member of the first Vir- 
ginia convention, and a member of the first continental 
congress, upon which he determined with himself to dis- 
claim all concern and connection with Indian purchases, 
for the reasons following: that is to say, he was informed, 
shortly after his arrival in congress, of many purchases 
of Indian lands, shares in most or all of which were offered 
to this deponent, and constantly refused by him, because 
of the enormity of the extent to which the bounds of those 
purchases were carried; that disputes had arisen on the 
subject of these purchases; and that this deponent, being 
a member of congress and convention, conceived it im- 
proper for him to be concerned as a party in any of these 
partnerships, on which it was probable he might decide 
as a judge. He was farther fixed in his determination 
not to be concerned in any Indian purchases whatever, 
on the prospect of the present war, by which the sove- 
reignty and right of disposal of the soil of America would 
probably be claimed by the American States." This 
deposition is dated June 4, 1777. 

Of the purchases alluded to in the above deposition, 
the most extensive, and the most important in its bearing 
upon the history of the pioneers, is that of the Transyl- 
vania company, composed of Richard Henderson, William 



TRANSYLVANIA COMPANY. 157 

Johnston, Nathaniel Hart, John Luttrel, David Hart, 
John Williams, James Hogg, and Leonard Henley Bul- 
lock. These gentlemen, who were residents of North 
Carolina, made certain preliminary arrangements in the 
fall of the year 1774, with the " Overhill Cherokee In- 
dians," for a treaty to be held the following year. In 
March, 1775, Colonel Henderson, acting for the company, 
met the chiefs of that nation, attended by about twelve 
hundred of their people, at a fort on the Watauga, the 
south-eastern branch of the Holston river. A solemn 
council was held, and after several days spent in con- 
ference and full discussion of every matter relating to the 
purchase, the company obtained from the Indians, in 
exchange for a valuable consideration paid them in mer- 
chandise, two several deeds, signed by Okonistoto, their 
chief warrior, and by Atakullakulla, and Savonooko, the 
next in rank, in behalf of the nation, and with the assent 
of the warriors present. The two grants comprehended 
separate tracts, lying within the chartered limits of Vir- 
ginia and North Carolina. The first was bounded as 
follows: "Beginning on the Ohio river, at the mouth of 
the Cantuckey Chenoee, or what by the English is called 
Louisa river ; from thence running up the said river, and 
the most northwardly fork of the same, to the head spring- 
thereof; thence a south-east course, to the top of the 
ridge of Powell's mountain; thence westwardly along the 
ridge of the said mountain, unto a point from which a 
north-west course will hit or strike the head spring of the 
most southwardly branch of Cumberland river; thence 
down the said river, including all its waters, to the 
Ohio river, and up the said river, as it meanders, to the 
beginning." 

The other deed comprised a tract "beginning on the 
Holston river, where the course of Powell's mountain 






158 PURCHASE OF KENTUCKY. 

strikes the same; thence up the said river, as it meanders, 
to where the Virginia line crosses the same; thence west- 
ward along the line run by Donaldson, to a point six 
English miles eastward of the long island in said Holston 
river ; thence a direct course towards the mouth of the 
Great Canaway, until it reaches the top ridge of Powell's 
mountain ; thence westward along the said ridge to the 
place of beginning." 

The first of these grants, it will be perceived, is much 
the largest, and comprises the whole of Kentucky south 
of the river of that name, and by far the greater part of 
the lands now contained in that State. The other includes 
a vast territory within the then limits of North Carolina, 
lying on the rivers Holston, Clinch, Powel, and Cumber- 
land, to the amount of many millions of acres. 

This purchase from the aborigines having been made 
previous to the Declaration of Independence, and the 
Transylvania Company being put in possession of the 
territory by the Indians, the title of the grantees was 
supposed to be complete, and they proceeded immediately 
to make extensive arrangements for the settlement of 
their lands. Richard Henderson, Nathaniel Hart, and 
John Luttrel, were appointed to proceed to the new 
territory, which was called Transylvania, for the purpose 
of planting a colony; and they accordingly set out, at 
the head of a small party, early in the year 1775. Daniel 
Boone was their guide; and it seems to be extremely 
probable, though we have no direct evidence of the fact, 
that his previous visits to Kentucky were made at the 
"suggestion of these gentlemen, and that their confidence 
in his report induced them to make the purchase. It is 
certain, from their letters to each other, many of which 
are in the possession of the writer, that they had ob- 
tained, from some source, a mass of accurate information 



OCCURRENCES AT POWELI/S VALLEY. 159 

with which the public was not acquainted; and, as they 
would naturally resort to some confidential and secret 
means through which to obtain such intelligence, we give 
credit to a rumor which has reached us, that Boone was 
the agent employed for that purpose. These circum- 
stances afford a new elucidation of the character of that 
intrepid pioneer ; and, although they take nothing from 
the strong points of his character, entirely dissipate the 
romantic theories of some of his biographers, with regard 
to the motives which first led him to become a wanderer 
in the western wilderness. 

Colonel Henderson and his associates reached Powell's 
Valley, one of the most western settlements of North 
Carolina, in the beginning of April, 1775, at the head of 
forty armed men, and an additional number, probably, of 
non-combatants — for they had under their charge forty 
pack-horses. This party was preceded by a smaller one, 
under the direction of Daniel Boone, who had been em- 
ployed to mark out a road. We have before us a letter 
from Colonel Henderson, to his partners in North Caro- 
lina, dated Powell's Valley, April 8, 1775, from which we 
make the following extracts, for the purpose of illus- 
trating the difficulties encountered in this expedition, in 
the language of one who was concerned. 

" Few enterprises of great consequence continue at all 
times to wear a favorable aspect; ours has met with the 
common fate, from the incautious proceedings of a few 
headstrong and unthinking people. On the twenty-fifth 
of March last, the Indians fired upon a small party of 
men, in camp, near the Louisa, killed two and put four 
others to the route; and on the 27th, did likewise on 
Daniel Boone's camp, and killed a white man and a negro 
on the spot, but the survivors maintained their ground 
and saved their baggage. But for a more particular ac- 



160 DANIEL BOONE'S LETTER. 

count I refer you to Mr. Boone's original letter on that 
occasion, which came to hand last night. You scarcely 
need information that these accidents have a bad effect 
with respect to us." * * * #. « You 

observe from Mr. Boone's letter the absolute necessity of 
our not losing one moment, therefore don't be surprised 
at not receiving a particular account of our journey with 
the several little misfortunes and cross accidents, which 
have caused us to be delayed so that we are still one hun- 
dred and thirty or one hundred and forty miles from our 
journey's end. We are all in high spirits, and on thorns 
to fly to Boone's assistance, and join him in defence of 
so fine and valuable a country.' My only motives for 
stopping, are, first, that you should receive a just repre- 
sentation of the affair, and secondly, to request your im- 
mediate assistance; for want of workmen our wagons are 
laid aside at Captain Martin's in this valley ; the chief 
of our salt and all our saltpetre and brimstone are left 
behind." 

The letter from Daniel Boone, alluded to above, is also 
in our possession, and we copy it entire, as a valuable 
relic of that bold and successful pioneer; premising, that 
as Mr. Boone was less expert in the art of spelling than 
in the use of the rifle, we correct the orthography, ex- 
cept in the case of one or two words. The letter is 
addressed to "Colonel Richard Henderson — these with 
care," and runs as follows: 

" April the first, 1775. 
"Dear Colonel, 
"After my compliments to you, I shall acquaint you 
of our misfortune. On march the 25 a party of Indians 
fired on my company about a half an hour before day, 
and killed Mr. Twitty and his negro, and wounded Mr. 
Walker very deeply, but I hope he will recover. On 



PROSPECTS OF THE PARTY. 161 

Maxell the 28 as we were hunting for provisions we found 
Samuel Tate's son, who gave us an account that the In- 
dians fired on their camp on the 27 day. My brother 
and I went down and found two men killed and sculped, 
Thomas McDowell and Jeremiah McPeters. I have sent 
a man down to all the lower companies in order to gather 
them all to the mouth of Otter Creek. My advise to you, 
sir, is to come or send as soon as possible. Your com- 
pany is desired greatly, for the people are very uneasy,, 
but are willing to stay and venture their lives with you, 
and now is the time to flusterate their* intentions and 
keep the country, whilst we are in it. If we give way to 
them now, it will ever be the case. This day we start 
from the battle ground, for the mouth of Otter Creek, 
where we shall immediately erect a fort r which will be 
done before you can come or send — then we can send ten 
men to meet you, if you send for them. 
I am sir your most obedient 

Daniel Boone. 
N. B. — We stood on the ground and guarded our bag- 
gage till day, and lost nothing. We have about fifteen 
miles to Cantuck at Otter Creek." 

This letter, with which we have taken no liberty except 
the one already indicated, is highly characteristic of the 
writer. It is a plain and sensible communication, from a 
cool-headed man, who uses no more words than are neces- 
sary to express his ideas. He takes no credit to himself 
for having beaten the Indians, nor makes any professions 
for the future, but modestly intimates that the presence 
of the leader of the enterprise is necessary to ensure its 
success. The suggestion, "now is the time to flusterate" 

* Meaning the Indians. 
14 



162 CONFIDENCE IN BOONE. 

the intentions of the savages, " and keep the country 
while we are in it," is consistent with the known determi- 
nation of his character, while the prediction, "if we give 
way to them now, it will ever be the case," comports well 
with the prudence and common sense which always gov- 
erned him, when acting in his proper sphere, as a hunter 
or a warrior. We are even pleased with the commence- 
ment, "After my compliments," and the conclusion, "I 
am, Sir, your most obedient," which show that the sturdy 
woodsman was not unacquainted with courtesies of good 
society. We shall only add, that the word Cantuck, refers 
to Kentucky river, and that the fort which he proposed to 
erect, was that which was afterwards called Boonsboro* 

The prospects of Colonel Henderson's party became 
still more gloomy, after the date of this letter to which 
we have referred. As they proceeded, they met persons 
returning from Kentucky, discontented or panic-struck, 
who gave the most exaggerated accounts of the dangers 
from which they had escaped, and represented the situ- 
ation of Boone as being imminently precarious. The 
hired men became discouraged, and it required all the 
eiforts of the leaders to urge them forward* Every 
sound they heard, every group of wayworn woodsmen 
they met, filled them with the apprehension that Boone 
had been obliged to abandon his post, or that the ap- 
proaching travelers brought some disastrous tidings of the 
pioneer. "It was owing to Boone's confidence in us," 
says Colonel Henderson, in one of his letters, "and to 
the people's in him, that a stand was ever attempted, to 
await our coming;" and it was natural that great uneasi- 
ness should be felt for him in whom such confidence was 
placed, and whose post, in advance of the expedition, was 
so important. It became, therefore, desirable that he 
should be apprised of the approach of his friends, in 



FORT BOONSBORO'. 163 

order that lie might be encouraged to hold his post at all 
hazards, until their arrival. But how could the informa- 
tion be transmitted? What messenger would venture 
to traverse the wild, beset with Indians, and incur the 
various dangers of a solitary journey of one hundred and 
thirty miles, the distance which still intervened between 
the travelers and the end of their journey! Mr. William 
Cocke, observing the anxiety of his companions, gener- 
ously volunteered to undertake the perilous mission, and 
the offer was too gratifying to be refused. The day was 
dark and rainy ; the gloominess of the weather depressed 
the spirits of the party, and the parting of Mr. Cocke and 
his friends was marked by inauspicious forebodings. He 
was " fixed off," to use again the language of one of the 
party, "with a good Queen Anne's musket, plenty of 
ammunition, a tomhock, a large cuttoe knife, a Dutch 
blanket, and no small quantity of jerked beef." Thus 
equipped, and mounted on a good horse, he quitted his 
companions, and dashed into the forest. We shall only 
add, that he performed his mission in safety and with 
success. 

Colonel Henderson reached Boonsboro, with his party, 
a few days afterwards, and found the people there in a 
state of careless security, which evinced the most perfect 
self-confidence. A small fort, which the labor of two or 
three days would have rendered a sufficient protection 
against any sudden inroad of the Indians, had been suf- 
fered to remain unfinished and wholly useless, and it was 
not until this little colony had suffered severely from their 
indiscretion, that Fort Boonsboro was placed in a defen- 
sible condition. 

As this fortress affords one of the earliest specimens 
of the kind, we are glad to be able to present an authentic 
drawing; of it. 



164 



FORT BOONESBORO. 



*i 



<N 



id 



!M 




©q 




FORT AT BOONESBORO. 



1. Colonel Henderson's House.... 2. Stockades.... 3. Colonel 
Henderson's Kitchen. ...4. Mr. Luttrell's House. ...5. His 
Kitchen.... 9. Fort Gates.... 14. Houses built for Colonel Hart 
and Colonel Williams. 

Those places not numbered were cabins. 



OTTER CREEK AND OTHER SETTLEMENTS. 165 

The engraving is made from an original plan of Boones- 
boro, in the hand-writing of Colonel Henderson. 

The fort was composed of four lines of cabins, those at 
the corners being larger than the others, and projecting 
so as to form bastions. 

The dimensions of the enclosure are not stated ; but if 
we allow an average of twenty feet for each cabin and 
opening, the length of the fort must have been about two 
hundred and sixty, and the breadth one hundred and 
eighty feet. 

"We are now seated," says Colonel Henderson, in one 
of his letters, "at the mouth of Otter Creek, on the Ken- 
tucky, about 150 miles from the Ohio. To the west, 
about 50 miles from us, are two settlements, within six 
or seven miles of each other. There were some time ago 
about a hundred persons at the two places, though now 
perhaps there are not more than sixty or seventy, as many 
of them are gone up the Ohio for their families, &c, and 
some have returned, by the way we came, to Virginia and 
elsewhere. These men in the course of hunting provi- 
sions, exploring lands, &c, are some of them constantly 
out, and scour the woods from the banks of the river, 
near forty or fifty miles southward. On the opposite side 
of the river, and north from us about 40 miles, is a set- 
tlement on the crown lands of about nineteen persons, and 
lower down towards the Ohio, on the same side, there are 
some other settlers — how many, or at what place, I can't 
exactly learn." "Colonel Harrod, who governs the two 
first mentioned settlements, — and is a very good man, 
Colonel Floyd, the surveyor, and myself, are under solemn 
engagements to communicate with the utmost despatch, 
every piece of intelligence, respecting danger, or sign of 
Indians, to each other. In case of invasion of either, 
both the other parties are instantly to march, and relieve 



166 col. williams's letter. 

the distressed if possible. Add to this, that our country 
is so fertile, the growth of grass and herbage so tender 
and luxuriant, that it is almost impossible for man or dog 
to travel, without leaving such a sign, that you might 
gallop a horse on the trail. It is impossible for any 
number of persons to pass through the woods without 
being tracked, and of course discovered, if Indians, for 
our hunters all go on horseback, and could not be de- 
ceived, if they were to come on the trace of footmen. 
From these circumstances I think myself secure against 
any formidable attack, &c." 

Among the original letters in our possession, is one 
from Colonel John Williams, dated at Boonsboro, 27th 
December 1775, from which we extract the following in- 
cident. " Last Saturday, in the afternoon, Colonel Camp- 
bell, with two lads, went over the river, where they parted, 
and went different ways over the hill. About 300 yards 
from the fort, Colonel Campbell was fired on by a couple 
of Indians, who missed him. The gun was heard, the 
alarm given, and we got him safe to the fort. The two 
lads not returning that night, and having no guns with 
them, we had doubtful apprehensions, and not hearing 
any thing of them until Monday, we despatched a party 
of men to see if they could make any discovery, — as we 
had done on Saturday after Campbell returned. They 
found one killed and scalped about three miles from town, 
the other we have yet heard nothing of, but suppose he 
has shared the same fate. We had at that time a dozen 
or fifteen men over the river, hunting in separate parties, 
though they have since all returned except two. Whether 
they have been unsuccessful in their hunt, or have fallen 
into the hands of the enemy, is doubtful — the latter is 
apprehended. We yesterday despatched a party of twenty 
men under the command of Jesse Benton to scour the 



LANDED MONOPOLIES ALWAYS ODIOUS. 167 

woods, and discover if possible whether they are satisfied 
with what they have done, or whether they are lurking 
about to do more mischief before they go. So far, this 
is a bad story, but hear the circumstances, and it will 
appear less unfavorable. Last October, at the treaty at 
Pittsburgh, Cornstalk, king of the Shawnees, said that 
before application from the congress for a treaty, five or 
six of his men had set out for Kentucky, and he was 
apprehensive might do some damage, and that it was out 
of his power to apprise them of the terms of the treaty, 
as he did not know where to send a messenger to them; 
but that he would stop them for the future, and if any of 
his men got killed on that expedition it should give no 
umbrage. There was about that number of Indians seen 
near the war path about fifteen miles east of this place, 
two or three days before the mischief was done, all which 
we knew nothing of until since, &c." 

While the Transylvania Company was employed in the 
fruitless attempt to establish a proprietary government in 
Kentucky, a number of individuals were engaged, either 
singly or in companies, in exploring the same territory, 
as well as the adjacent lands north of the Kentucky river, 
and in settling such spots as they chose to occupy, without 
any reference to the claim of Henderson and his partners. 
Monopolies are never popular, and in our country none 
are less acceptable than those which refer to real estate. 
Having never been accustomed to the existence among us 
of a privileged class, we do not readily submit to any 
measure, the tendency of which is to confer exclusive 
advantages upon a few individuals. Our sympathies are 
with the majority, and our judgments predisposed in favor 
of that which confers the greatest benefit on the largest 
number of citizens. Our notions with regard to land are 
perhaps peculiar to our country ; but they are natural and 



168 ALL INDIAN TITLES VAGUE 

obviously just. The opinion is as old as the States, that 
the soil is common property held for the public good, and 
that individuals should not be permitted to appropriate to 
themselves more than they can use ; with the exception 
only in favor of those, who accumulate large landed estates 
by successful industry, or purchase them in good faith, for 
valuable considerations. A grant therefore of enormous 
magnitude, either by the aborigines or the government, to 
a few gentlemen, for a consideration which, though techni- 
cally valuable, was in -fact inconsiderable, could not be 
otherwise than odious. 

The Indian title has never been clearly defined, nor 
held in much esteem. Not having themselves very clear 
ideas of property, the savages could hardly impress others 
with distinct notions of the rights which they held by a 
tenure so vague — which they bartered away with careless 
prodigality, and claimed to resume upon the slightest pre- 
text. Among them the soil had never been reduced to 
individual property ; there was no title by allodium, or 
simple fee, and nothing that could be transferred to indi- 
viduals. Their right was that of sovereignty, the posses- 
sion that of the whole tribe, and the only cession they 
could make was such as by common usage is allowable 
alone between sovereigns, or established governments. 
Such was the decision of Virginia at first, and of con- 
gress afterwards, upon the purchase of Henderson and 
company; and such seems to have been the common-sense 
opinion formed by the adventurers who settled within the 
boundaries claimed by those gentlemen, in disregard of 
the treaty of the latter with the Cherokees. 

Nor was the time propitious to the design of those en- 
terprising individuals. The revolutionary war had com- 
menced, and with it the doubt and misrule incident to 
such a crisis. The adventurer to the wilds of Kentucky 



ILL EFFECTS OF LARGE GRANTS. 169 

must have possessed a prophetic spirit, as well as a more 
than ordinary knowledge, political and legal, to have been 
able to decide between the proprietary rights of the Che- 
rokees, and the Six Nations, the Transylvania Company, 
and the State of Virginia, the Congress, and the Crown 
of Great Britain; and to select from so great a number, 
the lord paramount under whom it would be most safe to 
hold. The obvious consequence was, that the Virginians 
who emigrated took out titles under their own State, the 
North Carolinians who came at the invitation of Hender- 
son and company purchased from them, while a large class 
took possession of such tracts as suited them, determined 
to hold them against all adverse claimants, and to perfect 
their titles under the authority which should ultimately 
prove successful. 

This then was the first of the numerous party divisions, 
by which the peace of Kentucky has been disturbed, and 
her prosperity impeded; and the early introduction of 
factional discussions may be regarded as having been 
not a little ominous of the future history of the State. 
Although little has been published in reference to those 
early differences, we find, from the documents in our pos- 
session, that there was in fact much angry controversy 
between the parties who respectively admitted or denied 
the validity of the cession to Henderson and company, 
and we believe that the germ of much subsequent dissen- 
sion was unhappily planted at that time. But it is grati- 
fying to observe, that however they might differ on that 
subject, they were always firmly united in the bond of 
patriotism, and acted with uniform vigor and harmony in 
repelling the inroads of the savages, and in resisting the 
tyranny of Great Britain. The best interests of Ken- 
tucky have been continually jeoparded by her intestine 
quarrels, but she has never for a moment swerved from 
15 



170 KENTUCKY AND HER SETTLERS. 

her fidelity to the Union, of which she is one of the 
brightest ornaments. The foundations of national, as 
well as of individual character, are early laid; and in the 
first settlement of all our American States, we find some 
indications of the character by which they have become 
distinguished. In the State of Kentucky, the evidences 
of this truth stand out in bold relief, in the original and 
strongly marked character of the inhabitants, among 
whom the daring, the hardihood, and the generosity of 
the pioneer, with the independence of thought peculiar 
to the revolutionary period at which their institutions 
began to be planted, remain conspicuously impressed upon 
the whole mass of the native population. 



PROPRIETORS OF TRANSYLVANIA. 171 



CHAPTEK XI. 

A proprietary government established — First meeting of a Con- 
vention of Delegates — Their proceedings. 

The Proprietors of Transylvania, as they supposed 
themselves to be, having led a gallant band of adven- 
turers to the vast but blooming desert which they had 
purchased, and erected a few forts, at the several points 
where settlements were intended to be formed, proceeded 
at once to the formation of a colonial government, as well 
for the purpose of asserting thus early their rights of 
propriety and sovereignty, as for the establishment of 
social and civil order. As this is a curious and impor- 
tant event in the history of Kentucky, and as it can not 
be related in more suitable language than that of the 
persons engaged in it, we shall transcribe the record, from 
the original papers in our possession. It is in the fol- 
lowing words : 

" A Journal of the proceedings of the house of dele- 
gates or representatives of the colony of Transylvania, 
begun on Wednesday the 23rd of May, in the year of our 
Lord Christ, 1775, and in the fifteenth year of the reign 
of his majesty, king of Great Britain." 

The proprietors of said colony having called and re- 
quired an election of delegates or representatives to be 
made for the purpose of legislation, or making and ordain- 
ing laws and regulations for the future conduct of the 



172 PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. 

inhabitants thereof, that is to say, for the town of Boones- 
boro' six members, for Harrodsburgh four, for the Boiling 
Spring settlement four, for the town of St. Asaph four, 
and appointed their meeting for the purpose aforesaid, on 
the aforesaid 23rd of May, Anno Domini 1775, and: 

It being certified to us here this day by the Secretary, * 
that the following persons were returned as duly elected 
for the several towns and settlements, to wit: 

For Boonesboro — Squire Boone, Daniel Boone, "Wil- 
liam Cocke, Samuel Henderson, William Moore, and 
Richard Calloway. 

For Harrodsburgh — Thomas Slaughter, John Lythe, 
Valentine Harmon, and James Douglass. 

For Boiling Spring settlement — James Harrod, Nathan 
Hammond, Isaac and Azariah Davis. 

For the town of St. Asaph — John Todd, Alexander 
Spotswood Dandridge, John Floyd, and Samuel Wood. 

Present — Squire Boone, Daniel Boone, &c," (repeat- 
ing all the above names,) who took their seats at con- 
vention : 

The house unanimously chose Col. Thomas Slaughter 
chairman, and Matthew Jewett clerk; and after divine 
service was performed by the Rev. John Lythe, the house 
waited on the proprietors, and acquainted them that they 
had chosen Mr. Thomas Slaughter chairman, and Matthew 
Jewett clerk, of which they approved; and Colonel Richard 
Henderson, in behalf of himself and the rest of the pro- 
prietors, opened the convention with a speech, a copy of 
which, to prevent mistakes, the chairman procured. 

Ordered, the same speech be read. Read the same which 
is as follows : [ We omit the speech, the answer of the 

* An officer appointed by the proprietors, corresponding with a 
secretary of state. 



BILLS PASSED. 173 

convention, and the replication of Colonel Henderson, 
which are too long to be inserted in this place. ] 

On motion made, ordered, that Mr. Todd have leave to 
bring in a bill for the establishment of courts of judica- 
ture, and regulating the practice therein ; ordered, that 
Mr. Todd, Mr. Dandridge, Mr. Calloway, and Mr. Hen- 
derson, do bring in a bill for that purpose. 

On motion of Mr. Douglass, leave is given to bring in 
a bill for regulating a militia; ordered, that Mr. Floyd, 
Mr. Harrod, Mr. Cocke, Mr. Douglass, and Mr. Hite, be 
a committee for that purpose. 

On motion of Mr. Daniel Boone, leave is given to bring 
in a bill for preserving game,&c; ordered, that Mr. Boone, 
Mr. Davis, Mr. Harmon, Mr. Hammond, and Mr. Moore, 
be a committee for that purpose. 

The bill for establishing courts of judicature, and reg- 
ulating the practice therein, brought in by the committee, 
and read by Mr. Todd — passed the first time — ordered 
to be referred for a second reading. 

The bill for establishing and regulating a militia, 
brought in by the committee, read by Mr. Floyd — ordered 
to be read by the clerk — passed the first time — ordered 
to be referred for a second reading. 

The bill for preserving game, brought in by the com- 
mittee, ordered to be read by the clerk — read, and passed 
the first time — ordered to be referred for a second reading. 

Ordered, that the convention be adjourned until to mor- 
row, six o'clock. 

26th May. Met according to adjournment. 

Mr. Robert M'Afee appointed sergeant at arms. 

Ordered, that the sergeant at arms bring John Guess 
before this convention, to answer for an insult offered 
Colonel Bichard Calloway. 



174 PROCEEDINGS IN CONVENTION. 

The bill for regulating a militia, read the second time, 
and ordered to be engrossed. 

The bill for establishing courts of judicature, and reg- 
ulating the practice therein, read a second time — ordered 
to be recommitted, and that Mr. Dandridge, Mr. Todd, 
Mr. Henderson, and Mr. Calloway, be a committee to take 
it into consideration. 

On motion of Mr. Todd, leave is given to bring in an 
attachment bill — ordered, that Mr. Todd, Mr. Dandridge, 
and Mr. Douglass, be a committee for that purpose. 

The bill for establishing writs of attachment, read by 
the clerk, and passed the first time — ordered to be re- 
ferred for a second reading. 

On motion of Mr. Dandridge, leave is given to bring in 
a bill to ascertain clerks' and sheriffs' fees. 

The said bill was read, and passed the first time — 
ordered to be referred for the second reading. 

On motion made by Mr. Todd, ordered, that Mr. Todd, 
Mr. Lythe, Mr. Douglass, and Mr. Hite, be a committee 
to draw up a compact between the proprietors and the 
people of this colony. 

On motion of Mr. Lythe, leave is given to bring in a 
bill to prevent profane swearing and Sabbath breaking — 
The same read by the clerk, ordered, that it be recom- 
mitted, and that Mr. Lythe, Mr. Todd, and Mr. Harrod, 
be a committee to make amendments. 

Mr. G-uess was brought before the convention, and 
reprimanded by the chairman. 

Ordered, that Mr. Todd and Mr. Harrod wait on the 
proprietors, to know what name for this colony would be 
agreeable. Mr. Todd and Mr. Harrod reported, that it 
was their pleasure that it should be called Transijlcaiiia. 

The bill for ascertaining clerks' and sheriffs' fees, read 
a second time, passed — and ordered to be engrossed. 



VARIOUS BILLS. 175 

The attachment bill read a second time, and ordered to 
be engrossed. 

A bill for preserving game, read the second time, and 
passed — ordered to be recommitted, and that Mr. Todd, 
Mr. Boone, and Mr. Harrod, be a committee to take it 
into consideration. 

The militia bill read a third time, and passed. 

On motion of Mr. Todd, leave is given to bring in a bill 
for the punishment of criminals — ordered, that Mr. Todd, 
Mr. Dandridge, and Mr. Lythe, be a committee for that 
purpose. 

The bill for establishing courts of judicature, and reg- 
ulating the practice therein, read a second time, and 
ordered to be engrossed. 

On motion of Mr. Boone, leave is given to bring in a 
bill for improving the breed of horses. Ordered that Mr. 
Boone, Mr. Davis, and Mr. Hammond, bring in a bill for 
that purpose. 

The bill for ascertaining clerks' and sheriffs' fees, read a 
third time, and passed. 

The bill for establishing writs of attachment, read a 
third time and passed. 

On motion, ordered that Mr. Todd have leave to absent 
himself from this house. 

The bill for the punishment of criminals, brought in by 
the committee, read by the clerk, passed the first time, and 
ordered to be read a second time. 

The bill for establishing courts of judicature, and 
regulating the practice therein, read the third time with 
amendments, and passed. 

The bill for improving the breed of horses, brought in 
by Capt. Boone, read the first time, passed, and ordered to 
be for consideration, etc. 



176 PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. 

Ordered, that the convention adjourn until to-morrow, 
six o'clock. 

Met according to adjournment. 

The bill to prevent profane swearing and Sabbath- 
breaking, read the second time, with amendments; or- 
dered to be engrossed. 

The bill for the punishment of criminals, brought in 
and read; passed the second time, and ordered to be en- 
grossed. 

The bill for the improvement of the breed of horses was 
read a second time, and ordered to be engrossed. 

Ordered, that Mr. Harrod, Mr. Boone, and Mr. Cocke, 
wait on the proprietors, and beg they will not indulge any 
person whatever in granting them lands on the present 
terms unless they comply with the former proposals of 
settling the country, etc. 

On motion of Squire Boone, leave is given to bring in 
a bill to preserve the range; ordered, that he have leave 
to bring in a bill for that purpose. 

The following message was received from the propri- 
etors, to wit: 

To give every possible satisfaction to the good people, 
your constituents, we desire to exhibit our title deed 
from the aborigines and first owners of the soil in 
Transylvania, and hope you will cause an entry to be 
made of the exhibition in your journals, including the 
corners and abutments of the lands or country contained 
therein, so that the boundaries of our colony may be 
known and kept on record. 

Richard Henderson. 

Transylvania, 27th May, 1775. 

Ordered, that Mr. Todd, Mr. Douglass, and Mr. Hite, 
inform the proprietors that their request will be complied 



THE CONTRACT. 177 

with; in consequence of which Colonel Henderson per- 
sonally attended the convention with Mr. John Farrow, 
attorney in fact for the head warriors or chiefs of the 
Cherokee Indians, who, in presence of the convention, 
made livery and seisin of all the lands, in a deed or feof- 
ment then produced, bearing date the 7th day of March 
last, 1775. [We omit the boundaries which are here set 
forth on the record, having already given them to our 
readers in another place.] 

A bill for preserving the range, brought in by the 
committee and read, passed the first time ; ordered to be 
laid by for second consideration. 

The bill to prevent profane swearing and Sabbath- 
breaking, read the third time, and passed. 

Ordered, that Mr. Calloway and Mr. Cocke wait on the 
proprietors with the laws that have passed, for their 
perusal and approbation. 

The committee, appointed to draw up the compact be- 
tween the proprietors and the people, brought in and read 
it, as follows, viz: 

Whereas, it is highly necessary, for the peace of the 
proprietors and the security of the people of this colony, 
that the powers of the one and the liberties of the other 
be ascertained; We, Richard Henderson, Nathaniel Hart, 
and J. Luttrel, on behalf of ourselves, as well as the other 
proprietors of the colony of Transylvania, of the one part 
and the representatives of the people of said colony, in 
convention assembled, of the other part — do most solemnly 
enter into the following contract or agreement, to wit: 

1. That the election of delegates in this colony be 
annual. 

2. That the convention may adjourn, and meet again on 
their own adjournment ; Provided, that in cases of great 
emergency, the proprietors may call together the delegates 



178 PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. 

before the time adjourned to; and, if a majority do not 
attend, they may dissolve them and call a new one. 

3. That, to prevent dissension and delay of business, 
one proprietor shall act for the whole, or some one dele- 
gated by them for that purpose, who shall always reside 
in the colony. 

4. That there be perfect religious freedom and general 
toleration ; Provided, that the propagators of any doctrine 
or tenets, evidently tending to the subversion of our laws, 
shall, for such conduct, be amenable to, and punished by, 
the civil courts. 

5. That the judges of the superior or supreme courts 
be appointed by the proprietors, but be supported by the 
people, and to them be answerable for their malconduct. 

6. That the quit-rents never exceed two shillings ster- 
ling per hundred acres. 

7. That the proprietors appoint a sheriff, who shall be 
one of three persons recommended by the court. 

8. That the judges of the superior courts have, without 
fee or reward, the appointment of the clerks of this 
colony. 

9. That the judges of the inferior courts be recom- 
mended by the people, and approved by the proprietors, 
and by them commissioned. 

10. That all other civil and military officers be within 
the appointment of the proprietors. 

11. That the office of surveyor-general belong to no 
person interested or a partner in this purchase. 

12. That the legislative authority, after the strength 
and maturity of the colony will permit, consist of three 
branches, to wit: the delegates or representatives chosen 
by the people; a council, not exceeding twelve men, pos- 
sessed of landed estate, who reside in the colony, and the 
proprietors. 



THE CONTRACT. 179 

13. That nothing with respect to the number of delegates 
from any town or settlement shall hereafter be drawn into 
precedent, but that the number of representatives shall be 
ascertained by law, when the state of the colony will 
admit of amendment. 

14. That the land office be always open. 

15. That commissions, without profit, be granted without 
fee. 

16. That the fees and salaries of all officers appointed 
by the proprietors, be settled and regulated by the laws 
of the country. 

17. That the convention have the sole power of raising 
and appropriating all public moneys, and electing their 
treasurer. 

18. That, for a short time, till the state of the colony 
will permit to fix some place of holding the convention 
which shall be permanent, the place of meeting shall be 
agreed upon between the proprietors and the convention. 

To the faithful and religious and perpetual observance 
of all and every of the above articles, the said proprietors, 
on behalf of themselves as well as those absent, and the 
chairman of the convention on behalf of them and their 
constituents, have hereunto interchangeably set their 
hands and affixed their seals, the twenty-seventh day of 
May, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six. 

Richard Henderson. [ Seal. ] 
Nathaniel Hart. [ Seal. ] 

J. Luttrel. [ Seal. ] 

T. Slaughter, Chair'n. I Seal. ] 

A bill for improving the breed of horses, read the third 
time and passed. 

The bill for the punishment of criminals, read the third 
time and passed. 



180 PROCEEDINGS OF CONVENTION. 

The bill to preserve the range, read the second time, 
and ordered to be engrossed. 

Ordered, that Mr. Lythe wait on Colonel Henderson and 
the rest of the proprietors, with the bill for establishing 
courts of justice and regulating the practice therein. 

The bill to preserve the range, read the third time and 
passed. 

Ordered, that Colonel Calloway wait on the proprietors 
with the bill for preserving the range. 

Ordered, that a fair copy of the several bills, passed into 
laws, be transmitted to every settlement in this colony 
that is represented. 

Ordered, that the delegates of Boonesboro be a com- 
mittee to see that all the bills that are passed be tran- 
scribed, in a fair hand, into a book for that purpose. 

Ordered, that the proprietors be waited on by the 
chairman, acquainting them that all the bills are ready 
for signing. 

The following bills this day passed and signed by the 
proprietors, on behalf of themselves and their partners, 
and the chairman of the convention, on behalf of himself 
and the other delegates: 

1. An act for establishing courts of jurisdiction and 
regulating the practice therein. 

2. An act for regulating a militia. 

3. An act for the punishment of criminals. 

4. An act to prevent profane swearing, and Sabbath 
breaking. 

5. An act for writs of attachment. 

6. An act for ascertaining clerks' and sheriffs' fees. 

7. An act to preserve the range. 

8. An act for improving the breed of horses. 

9. An act for preserving game. 

All of the above mentioned acts were signed by the 



CHARACTER OP THE PIONEERS. 181 

chairman and proprietors, except the act for ascertaining 
clerks' and sheriffs' fees, which was omitted by the clerks 
not giving it in with the rest. 

Ordered, that at the next meeting of delegates, if any 
member be absent and doth not attend, that the people 
choose one to serve in the room of such absent member. 

Ordered, that the convention be adjourned until the 
first Thursday in September next, then to meet at Boones- 
boro. Matthew Jewitt, Clark. 

We present this as a creditable specimen of the intel- 
ligence and disposition of the pioneers ; affording as it 
does, the most ample testimony, that they were not a band 
of mere lawless adventurers, unable to appreciate the ad- 
vantages of social order, and eager to escape the restraints 
of civil subordination. We see here the same hardy men, 
who with infinite peril and fatigue had conquered for 
themselves a resting-place in the wilderness, assembling 
in a rude forest fortress, to commence the structure of 
their social compact. With no precedents before them, 
with neither laws nor lawyers, instructed only by their 
own perceptions of right and wrong, and their recollec- 
tions of the laws under which they had lived, they enact 
a simple code whose provisions evince a clear understand- 
ing of the elementary principles of free government, while 
its brevity shows the confidence reposed by these brave 
men in each other. Their convention is organized in the 
usual manner, and decently opened with prayer, and three 
days are spent in the utmost harmony in the discharge 
of the duties of this primitive legislation. It is probable 
that the speeches were not long, nor the motions very 
formal, but we apprehend that the colony of Transylvania 
was erected, its courts established, its militia organized, 
and even its game protected, with as much propriety as 
usually marks the primary assemblies of the people. 



182 SEND A DELEGATE TO CONGRESS. 

In the autumn of the same year, the proprietors deter- 
mined to send a delegate to Congress, and accordingly, at a 
meeting of those gentlemen, held at Oxford, in the county 
of Granville, North Carolina, on the 25th of September, 
1775, Mr. James Hogg, one of their own number, was 
appointed to represent them in the continental Congress. 
Mr. Hogg repaired to Philadelphia, but did not claim a 
seat among the patriot fathers of our republic, then con- 
vened at that city, for reasons which are detailed at 
length, in a letter, which we copy in another place. 

We omit a variety of other interesting particulars which 
throw a light upon the transactions of this period, pre- 
ferring to make copious extracts from the documents 
before us, and to place them in an appendix, where the 
reader may see the events described in the language of 
the actors. 

The attempt to establish a proprietary government re- 
ceived no sanction from the State of Virginia, or from 
Congress, nor does it appear to have been heartily sup- 
ported by any portion of the people over whom it was 
proposed to be extended. To a part of the inhabitants 
it was decidedly unacceptable, and this party increased 
rapidly, as the opinions of the revolution became more 
and more widely disseminated. The new government 
never went into operation, nor was ever formally acknow- 
ledged by the people; and the State of Virginia never 
ceased to exercise her right of sovereignty, when occa- 
sions for legislation presented. Colonel Henderson and 
his partners, finding it impracticable to sustain them- 
selves in the executive station which they had assumed, 
and in which the settlers seemed indisposed to support 
them, very soon abandoned the idea of claiming any 
political rank, in virtue of their purchase, and appear to 
have employed themselves thereafter in endeavoring to 



NOT ACKNOWLEDGED BY VIRGINIA. 183 

procure the acknowledgment of their title to the land as 
owners. Even this, however, was denied them by the 
State of Virginia, whose politicians, wisely foreseeing the 
evil of so gigantic a monopoly, and the anti-republican 
tendency of the great landed estates which would be 
established in a few families by this procedure, promptly 
refused to sanction any of the acts of the proprietors or 
people of Transylvania, or to admit the validity of any 
title to the soil not emanating from the parent State. 
Among a number of resolutions, and other expressions 
of opinion, on the part of Virginia, we find the following 
declaration, which briefly includes the result of the whole 
discussion. 

"In the house of delegates, Wednesday, the 4th of No- 
vember, 1778. 

Resolved — That all purchases of lands, made or to be 
made, of the Indians, within the chartered bounds of this 
commonwealth, as described by the constitution or form 
of government, by any private persons not authorized by 
public authority, are void. 

Resolved — That the purchases heretofore made by 
Richard Henderson and Company, of that tract of land 
called Transylvania, within this commonwealth, of the 
Cherokee Indians, is void; but as the said Richard Hen- 
derson and Company have been at very great expense in 
making the said purchase, and in settling the said lands, 
by which this commonwealth is likely to receive great 
advantage, by increasing its inhabitants, and establishing 
a barrier against the Indians, it is just and reasonable to 
allow the said Richard Henderson and Company a com- 
pensation for their trouble and expense." 

Tuesday, November 17th, 1778: "Agreed to by the 
Senate." 

After endeavoring, for several years, with great assi- 



184 PROCEEDINGS IN NORTH CAROLINA. 

duity, to procure a reversal of the proposition contained 
in the first of these resolutions, and a recognition of their 
purchase, they were obliged, however reluctantly, to aban- 
don all hope of possessing this noble domain ; and they 
now applied for the remuneration to which the legislature 
of Virginia had acknowledged them to be so well entitled. 
More than twenty years elapsed before even this was 
granted; but Virginia finally granted to the Transylvania 
Company, a large tract of land upon the waters of Green 
River, and included in the boundaries of the county of 
Henderson, which was afterwards formed. 

Similar proceedings, and a like result, took place in 
North Carolina, in reference to so much of the purchase 
from the Cherokees as lay within the limits of that State. 

The narrative which we have introduced, forms but an 
episode in the history of Kentucky. While a few enter- 
prising gentlemen were maturing splendid schemes for the 
aggrandizement of their posterity, the stream of population 
rolled on without interruption. The settlers seem to have 
placed little confidence in the title of Henderson and his 
associates, and we scarcely find it alluded to in the early 
records or traditionary history of this region. It will 
appear, however, upon referring to some of the papers 
which we append to this work, that the services of those 
gentlemen were important. Henderson, Williams, Luttrel, 
and Hart, were really the pioneers who opened the road 
to the fertile shores of the Kentucky river, and erected 
the first fortress in that beautiful though perilous wild. 
Boone was their agent — bold, faithful, deserving — yet a 
subordinate actor under other men — the chief of their 
hunters, and the leader perhaps of the military arm of 
their expedition. But his talents were of the useful kind, 
his character was popular, and his achievements gained 
for him the confidence of the people ; and in all that re- 



DANIEL BOONE. 185 

lates to the perils of the wilderness, and the stirring events 
of the border wars, Boone was a chieftain of high repute. 
He was the guide who led the way to the desert, and 
whose name was perhaps best known, though some of 
those who were associated with him in the great enter- 
prise, were more intelligent, and equally influential. Other 
adventurers followed, and settled around him, looking up 
to him as their shield in danger, and at all times as their 
counsellor and guide. The savages continued to annoy 
them with unceasing hostility; sometimes laying siege to 
the fort, frequently attempting to surprise it, and con- 
tinually lurking about in small parties, waylaying the 
hunters, assailing those engaged in agriculture, and cap- 
turing the females and children in sight of the fortress. 
We should exceed our limits, and unnecessarily shock the 
feelings of the reader, if we should detail all the achieve- 
ments of Boone, the privations of himself and his com- 
panions, and the barbarities of their unrelenting foes. 
fHe continued to sustain himself in the midst of danger, 
displaying, in every emergency, that consummate skill and 
patient courage, which elevated him above ordinary men ; 
and distinguished by a gentleness of manners, and a be- 
nevolence of heart and action, which secured the affections 
of his friends, and won respect even from his ferocious 
enemies. 

From this time the forests of Kentucky began to be 
rapidly peopled. The settlers came in small parties, and 
spread over the whole country, each little colony erecting 
its own fort, and appointing its own leader. The Indians 
continued to harass them. The latter were now more than 
ever inflamed with rage and jealousy against the Ameri- 
cans, by the arts of the British agents, who supplied them 
with arms and ammunition, bribed them to hostility by 
valuable presents, and poisoned their minds by incendiary 
16 



186 boone's character. 

speeches. The whole district of Kentucky exhibited scenes 
of bloodshed. 

We must condense these events. The name of Boone 
is the most conspicuous among the pioneers, because he 
was the earliest adventurer to the shores of the Ohio, 
and continued longest to brave the perils of the forest. 
But there were others who were superior to him in educa- 
tion and strength of mind, and his equals in every other 
respect. Boone was remarkable for the perfect equanimity 
with which he bore every trial. Never greatly excited, he 
was never alarmed nor despondent. Others were allured 
to the wilderness by ambition or cupidity, in the pursuit 
of wealth, or lands, or fame; but he seems to have enjoyed 
the life of the pioneer, and to have dwelt in the woods 
from choice. Others hunted down the Indians with ran- 
corous hatred; Boone only defended himself against their 
assaults, and never troubled his head about them while 
they let him alone. He was good-humoured, social, and 
disposed to live in quiet; love of peace, rather than fond- 
ness for war, made him a dweller on the frontier; and 
when the restraints of society pressed around him, when 
the cavils of the neighborhood became vexatious, or any 
other cause rendered his residence disagreeable, his simple 
remedy was to plunge farther into the woods. He was 
abstemious in his habits, and a close observer of nature ; 
and without any brilliancy or much grasp of intellect, he 
had a great deal of that practical good sense which may 
be supposed to have existed in the mind of a person of 
even temperament, who thought much, spoke little, and 
acted with deliberation ; whose whole life was a series of 
journeying, danger, and vicissitude, and whose vigilant 
eye was constantly employed in watching the appearances 
of nature, the habits of animals, the changes of the season, 
and the movements of hostile men. These are the charac- 



THE BACKWOODSMEN. 187 

teristics of the backwoodsman ; they were strongly devel- 
oped in all those that accompanied or followed Boone, but 
in him they were less adulterated, because his mind was 
not distracted by the passions and cares that perplex other 
men. 

In a subsequent chapter, when we come to speak of 
the character of the western population, we shall notice 
the peculiarities of this race, their arts, industry, and 
mode of life. 



188 ORGANIZATION OF COUNTIES. 



CHAPTER XII. 

Organization of Counties — Foreign Intrigues — Attempts to form a 
State Government — Differences of Opinion in reference to that 
Measure. 

Previous to the year 1793, the whole of our western 
frontier was continually harassed by the inroads of the 
Indians. Kentucky, then recently erected into a State, 
was a wide battle-field, in which our gallant countrymen 
maintained themselves by a series of hardy exploits and 
patient sufferings. ('Gradually, however, the savages had 
been driven back or exterminated, until the river Ohio 
formed the grand line between them and the whites, and 
municipal regulations began to be introduced and en- 
forced. Still there were large tracts of wilderness, lying 
between the settled districts, and within our acknowledged 
boundaries, where the marauding parties of the enemy 
lurked, and from which they emerged to attack the un- 
wary traveller, or to assail the inhabitants who ventured to 
push their improvements into the forest, at a distance from 
the protection of the organized settlements. A series of 
brilliant successes, obtained by the Kentuckians, led by 
Logan, Bowman, Scott, Shelby, Hardin, Clark, and other 
veterans, had rendered the question of sovereignty no 
longer doubtful, and the white man was become undis- 
puted lord of the soil. 

But the Indian, if he could not fight for victory, could 



EARLY HISTORY OF KENTUCKY. 189 

still strike for revenge. He could no longer track the 
deer or the buffalo, in the rich pastures of Kentucky, or 
pitch his tent on the spot consecrated as the resting-place 
of his fathers, and rendered memorable by the legends of 
his tribe. A race more numerous than his own, his equal 
in courage and sagacity, his superior in stature and mili- 
tary skill, now occupied the forests from which he had been 
driven, and were prepared to defend their newly acquired 
territory. The new inhabitants had long been trained in 
the school of war. .They were hunters and warriors, of 
high courage and tried skill. Reared in habits of fearless 
enterprise, inured from childhood to exposure and hard- 
ship, and trained to all the devices of sylvan life, and the 
stratagems of border warfare, they could overmatch the 
savage in his native fastnesses, and foil him in his own 
peculiar modes of attack and defense. The savage, there- 
fore, mournfully extinguished his fires, and abandoned 
the hunting-grounds of his people. But he retreated like 
the foiled tiger, scowling at the victor, and watching his 
opportunity to renew the contest. He went muttering 
curses against the white man; and long after his power 
was broken, and his tribe dismembered, he continued to 
return at intervals, to strike a stealthy but sanguinary 
blow at his triumphant enemy. 

The first settlements were not only exposed to the as- 
saults of a savage foe, but they were separated from the 
mother States, by a wide chain of almost impassable 
mountains, and wholly cut off from the restraints and the 
protection of government. Instead of calling upon Vir- 
ginia, or upon the general government, to protect them 
from their enemies, the pioneers defended themselves, 
and became early accustomed to rely upon their own 
courage and resources. Every man looked to his personal 
safety, and stood prepared to sustain his neighbor, and to 



190 TROUBLES. 

guard his own fire-side. As the settlements extended, 
self-defense grew into patriotism ; men united for mutual 
protection, and by standing side by side in battle, and 
rendering to each other assistance in sickness, in famine, 
and in all the varieties of fortune to which the inhabitants 
of the frontiers are exposed, became joined together by 
the closest ties. Thus they became kind and hospitable ; 
and to the early impress given by these circumstances, 
more than to any other cause, may be attributed the gene- 
rosity, frankness, and manly bearing, which still distinguish 
the Kentucky character. 

In 1780, three counties were organized in the district 
of Kentucky, by the legislature of Virginia; civil and 
military officers were appointed ; and those acts which had 
hitherto been voluntarily performed by private individuals, 
began to emanate from the body politic. It was not until 
the year 1794, when the Indians were signally defeated 
by General "Wayne, on the western side of the Ohio, that 
peace was established on this frontier. But even then the 
country was far from being tranquil. A people accustomed 
to think and act for themselves, could feel little sense 
of dependence upon the parent state; their loyalty was 
voluntary, and resulted solely from sound principle and 
natural affection. A warlike population thus independent, 
owing few obligations to the sovereign power, and sur- 
rounded by none of the restraints and few of the advan- 
tages of the national government, would naturally think 
freely, and speak with boldness, of the tie which bound 
them to the great republican family. They would easily 
be led to exercise their undoubted privilege, of weighing 
the advantages of the connection which bound them to 
their government, and a slight grievance might give to 
their thoughts and language the tone of bold defiance. 

One of the earliest causes of complaint, to which the 



BRITISH POLICY. 191 

people of Kentucky were exposed, arose from their geo- 
graphical position. The United States, newly organized, 
loosely connected, weak in resources, and burthened with 
debt, had sufficient employment in preserving the existence 
of the new confederacy. No settled policy had as yet 
been adopted, in reference to an extension of the ter- 
ritorial limits of the republic. The great mass of the 
American people knew nothing of the fertile regions of 
the west, and some of our statesmen announced authori- 
tatively, that the Alleghany mountains formed the natural 
boundary of the United States. 

"While this delightful region was thus undervalued and 
neglected by our own politicians, foreign nations had early 
adopted, in relation to it, certain views which were remark- 
ably adapted to coincide with the tardy policy of our 
government, in retarding its improvement. France alone 
had formed a reasonable estimate of its importance. The 
French commanders and missionaries had traced the long 
rivers of the west, and wandered with delight over its 
boundless prairies; and while they carefully concealed 
their discoveries from the rest of Europe, the French 
government made extensive arrangements for securing this 
country to themselves. Having possession of Canada and 
Louisiana, they early formed the plan of seizing the inter- 
mediate territory, and of confining the English to the 
shores of the Atlantic. 

The British Government, on the other hand, was not 
only ignorant of the great resources of the interior of our 
continent, but was averse, from policy, to any great ex- 
tension of her colonies in that direction. Mistress of the 
ocean, she could easily, by means of her great navy and 
commercial marine, maintain her influence and enforce 
her sway over a people scattered along the sea-coast and 
the navigable rivers of the Atlantic ; while an agricultural 



192 POLITICAL INTRIGUES. 

population, growing up in the interior, would be less apt 
to value her friendship, or fear her power. At a later 
period, when the colonies had thrown off the yoke, the 
British cabinet, still hoping that our weakness or our 
dissensions would afford to that government an oppor- 
tunity to renew its usurpation, and rivet more closely 
than ever the chains of dependence, watched the early 
growth of our institutions with a vigilant eye, and en- 
deavored to weaken our strength, by turning loose the 
savages upon our western frontiers. Determined to check 
the expansion of our territory in this direction, her agents 
traversed the whole region of the northern lakes, fur- 
nishing the tribes with arms, bribing them to hostility, 
and artfully inflaming their passions against the American 
people. 

The Spanish government had also her views in relation 
to this country; and when she obtained a cession of Lou- 
isiana from France, was induced to believe that the whole 
valley of- the Mississippi could be easily united under her 
sway. 

Thus it happened, that this secluded region, so lately 
inhabited only by wild beasts and savage men, became 
the subject, and the scene, of deep laid political intrigues. 

Great Britain, jealous of the United States, and sore 
from the effects of the recent conflict, continued to hold 
several important forts in our western territory, long after 
she had agreed by treaty to surrender them. Here her 
agents received the Indians, supplied them with arms, 
and incited them to war; using covertly, every expedient 
to harass the new settlements, and to force the emigrants 
to re-cross the mountains. Mistress of the ocean, and of 
Canada, and having a navy which could command the 
entrance of the Mississippi, the British cabinet did not 
relinquish the hope, that this interior region might at 



VIEWS OF FRANCE AND SPAIN. 193 

some future day, if not in the meanwhile occupied by a 
hardy race of freemen, be placed under her control, afford- 
ing her the means of assailing the United States in the 
rear, as well as upon the sea-coast, in case of a future 
war, or of any dissension among ourselves. 

France and Spain, both owning islands in the West 
Indies, and having colonial possessions on the continent 
of North America, saw with distrust the territorial limits 
of the United States extended by treaty and by conquest, 
beyond the mountains. They had assisted us in our 
contest with Great Britain, from enmity to that power; 
not from kindness to us, or a favorable regard for our 
institutions, and having seen a rival stripped of a rich 
appendage, were satisfied with the result. But they had 
no disposition to aid in the rearing up of a great re- 
publican nation; nor were they willing to see its settle- 
ments spreading over the western valley, and coming in 
juxtaposition with their own. While the inhabitants of 
Kentucky were few and their ability to maintain them- 
selves in the wilderness uncertain, these views were only 
incidentally developed in some of the negotiations of these 
powers with our government; but events occurred in the 
west, which at length produced more decisive action. 

In 1784, certain demonstrations on the part of the In- 
dian tribes, induced a general belief in Kentucky, that an 
extensive league had been formed among the savages, with 
a view to a simultaneous attack of the settlements, at 
several different points; while the detention of the posts 
by the British, suggested the suspicion that they were ac- 
quainted with the design, and were about to aid in its 
execution. The population had now increased, but was 
widely scattered ; and it was found more difficult to pro- 
duce the concerted action required for the public defence, 
than formerly, when the number of people was small, and 
17 



194 MEETING AT DANVILLE. 

the leaders few. In this emergency, Colonel Logan, a 
distinguished pioneer, took upon himself the responsibility 
of calling a meeting of such citizens as might choose to 
attend, at Danville, for the purpose of devising means for 
the general security. 

The meeting was effected, and the result of the con- 
sultation was a unanimous opinion that the danger was 
imminent, and that the surest method of repelling the 
threatened mischief, would be to anticipate the enemy, by 
attacking them in their own towns. But this conclusion 
led to another difficulty. There was no authority compe- 
tent to order an expedition, to call out men, or to provide 
them with arms and ammunition. A few counties were 
organized, under the jurisdiction of Virginia; but the 
government of that State, or of the United States, only, 
could exercise a power sufficient for the emergency. A 
few years before, the voluntary action of an enterprising 
leader, with a few brave men, in defense of a settlement, 
was an every day occurrence; the number to be protected 
was small, the service brief, and the means easily con- 
trolled. But now there was a wide territory exposed; the 
inhabitants were numerous, and some of them strangers 
to the rest; the proposed expedition was to carry them 
into the enemy's country, and detain them long from 
home; there was no magazine of arms, no ammunition, no 
money belonging to the public. The consequence was, 
that after coming to the determination that defensive 
measures were necessary, the meeting dispersed without 
making any military preparation. In the event, the alarm 
appears to have been groundless, for the Indians made 
no attack within that year. Another result, however, of 
much consequence, was produced by this meeting. The 
absolute necessity of a local government was made mani- 
fest ; and resolutions were passed, recommending to the 



CONVENTION. 195 

people the election of representatives, to meet in a con- 
vention to be held at Danville, in the December of the 
same year, to concert measures for the public defense. A 
convention was held accordingly, in which it was resolved 
to petition the legislature of Virginia, to sanction the 
erection of the district of Kentucky into a separate State. 
There was some difference of opinion in relation to the 
expediency of this measure : it was opposed by some, out 
of mere attachment for Virginia; by others, from a dis- 
relish for a change, which might produce unforeseen em- 
barrassments; and by many, who dreaded a separation 
from the parent State, as a sure forerunner of an aliena- 
tion from the Union. The distant and detached position 
of these settlements, has already been alluded to ; they 
were divided from the Atlantic States by mountains, over 
which it was not deemed practicable to carry roads suffi- 
ciently good for the purposes of commerce, while on the 
west they were hemmed in by an enemy ; from whom they 
must defend themselves by their own unassisted valor. 
Their dependence upon the Union seemed to be but 
nominal ; it gave them no strength, and afforded them no 
protection. They were now beginning to raise produce 
for exportation, without any prospect of a market for its 
disposal. The only natural outlet, the river Mississippi, 
was in the possession of a foreign government, which de- 
nied them the right of navigating that stream; while the 
American government, having no power of coercion, and 
little national influence, seemed both unable and indis- 
posed, to secure for its citizens in the west, by negotiation 
or otherwise, the advantages of that navigation. Under 
the action of these pressing grievances, and some latent 
causes of discontent, there soon grew up a variety of 
opinions, and several distinct parties, one advocating the 
erection of a new State, to be a member of the Union: 



196 AN INCIDENT. 

another hinting at the scheme of an independent govern- 
ment; and a third deprecating both these plans, as one 
might lead to the other, and preferring to remain for the 
present under the jurisdiction of Virginia. 

From this time up to 1792, when Kentucky became a 
State, conventions continued to be held, memorials were 
addressed to the Virginia legislature, and a continued 
excitement was kept alive on the question of separation. 
In the meanwhile, rumours of a design, on the part of 
Congress, to cede the right of navigating the Mississippi to 
Spain, reached this country, and greatly agitated the public 
mind; and this absorbing topic became mingled with every 
discussion in relation to the forming of a State government. 

An incident may be mentioned here, to show the ex- 
citable state of the public mind in these early times, and 
the various causes of irritation to which it was exposed. 
The noted Tom Paine had written a book, to prove that 
Virginia had no claim, by her charter, to the territory 
west of the mountains, and advising Congress to take pos- 
session of the new lands, in behalf of the Union. A per- 
son appeared at Lexington, supposed to be an emissary 
from — nobody knew who — but who probably was some 
chance traveler, aiming at a little notoriety, and who 
ventured to advocate the doctrines of Paine in a public 
speech. The indignant people called upon a magistrate 
to arrest the propagator of such arrant heresy, as a dis- 
turber of the peace. There was no law to justify such a 
proceeding; but an old Virginia statute was discovered, 
which imposed a fine, payable in tobacco, upon the " pro- 
pagators of false news" and the offender was convicted 
by acclamation, and fined a thousand pounds of tobacco. 
Being unable to pay the fine, and unwilling to go to jail, 
he was released by the people, on the condition that he 
should leave the country. 



CONSPIRACIES. 197 



CHAPTER XIII. 

The Spanish and French Conspiracies — Troubles in relation to the 
Navigation of the Mississippi — The patriotic forbearance of the 
Pioneers. 

It is difficult to compress into a work like this, the de- 
tails of certain transactions which caused great uneasiness 
to the early settlements, and have seriously affected the 
reputation of several distinguished patriots ; and which are 
too important to be passed over in silence. The topics 
are of so delicate a nature, that it is hardly practicable to 
discuss them without giving offence to the living, or doing 
injury to the memory of the dead. We shall endeavor to 
perform our duty with fairness, and to place these events 
before the public in that light which seems to us to be 
true. 

No sooner did the colonial Spanish agents in Louisiana 
observe the movements in Kentucky, towards the estab- 
lishment of a separate government, and the discontents 
of the people, in reference to the navigation of the Mis- 
sissippi, than they commenced a series of intrigues with 
the leading men of that region, for the purpose of detach- 
ing this district from the union. 

It is proper to remark here in the outset, that no in- 
ference should be drawn to the disadvantage of gentlemen 
whose names are connected with these events, from the 
fact that the Spanish authorities thought proper to address 



198 Kentucky's interests. 

to them proposals for an alliance with their government. 
They were the influential and popular men of the coun- 
try, and their position made them leaders and public 
advisers, and forced on them the decision of popular 
measures. It was natural that Spain should wish to in- 
crease her own territory, or to strengthen herself by 
binding to her interest the inhabitants of the rich lands 
of the West. The whole of that vast plain which we now 
term the valley of the Mississippi, is so remarkably united 
and disposed by its conformation, the variety of its pro- 
ducts, and the facilities for internal commerce, that it 
seems destined by nature to be comprised within one 
government. The shores of the Ohio, and those of the 
Lower Mississippi, are equally important to each other, 
and neither of these regions could be prosperous without 
the trade and products of the other. The Spanish author 
ities in Louisiana were true to their own best interests, 
when they endeavored to cultivate friendly relations with 
a people whose country was thus connected with their 
own; and the politicians of Kentucky would have been 
reckless indeed, had they spurned without due considera- 
tion, the advances of those who were their neighbors in 
point of locality, and with whom alone they seemed likely 
to hold any direct commercial intercourse. 

Kentucky owed nothing to the older States — her sons 
were bound to the lands from which they had emigrated, 
only by the ties of consanguinity and affection. They 
had built up a promising community by individual enter- 
prise — by personal exertion, and sacrifice, and peril — and 
they had a right, if ever a people had, to choose their 
own form of government, and seek out alliances for them- 
selves. 

They were Virginians, loving the mother State with a 
proverbial tenacity of affection; but they were the coun- 



THE ARGUMENT. 199 

try men of that galaxy of patriots, who had just taught 
that national ties are not indissoluble, when the public 
good demands their separation. 

The thirteen States had just separated from Great Bri- 
tain, because the connection was inconvenient and oppres- 
sive ; and Kentucky might with equal propriety have 
withdrawn from the union, whenever she felt the pres- 
sure of the same causes. She had not yet been admitted 
into the confederacy, and was not bound to it by any 
obligation of duty or honor. 

The Allegheny mountains separated the Western coun- 
try from the Eastern States, as effectually as the ocean 
divided Great Britain from her colonies; and it is unjust 
to infer treason or disaffection, from that solicitude for 
the welfare of their newly chosen country, on the part of 
the pioneers, which induced them to discuss frankly the 
practicability of a harmonious union with States from 
whom they were thus geographically divided. Previous 
to their admission into the Union, they had a right to 
consider for themselves whether such an arrangement 
would be beneficial; and it is far from obvious that the 
discussion of considerations so vital to their own pros- 
perity and happiness, involved any impropriety. 

The navigation of the Mississippi was indispensable to 
the existence of the rising State; and if the confederated 
government could not, or would not, procure from Spain 
an acknowledgment of the right of the western people to 
navigate that river, the latter could not be blamed if they 
listened to proposals on the part of Spain, to themselves 
directly, on that subject. 

These propositions seem to us so clear, that we shall 
not attempt to argue them. The intelligent reader will 
be able to draw his own inferences. It must be borne in 
mind, however, that while we thus defend the motives 



200 SPANISH CONSPIRACY. 

of the patriot founders of Kentucky, and suggest the 
grounds upon which we believe they might honorably 
have engaged in the negotiations that have been at- 
tributed to them, we must not be understood as admitting 
the fact that any serious design was ever entertained in 
Kentucky, of separating from the Union, or accepting the 
protection of Spain. That consultations took place be- 
tween some of the leading politicians in Kentucky and 
the Spanish agents, in reference to the commercial rela- 
tions of Kentucky and Louisiana, is true; but we have 
no evidence of any intrigue to place the country under 
the dominion of Spain. 

In 1786, General Wilkinson, who had been two or 
three years settled in Kentucky, began to appear as a 
conspicuous politician, and was one of those who advo- 
cated the erection of an independent government. He 
was soon pronounced to be a pensioner of Spain, and an 
agent of that government, but with how much justice we 
are not now able to determine. The people either did 
not believe the report, or considered the offense of no 
great magnitude, for he was repeatedly elected by them 
to a seat in their conventions. 

In 1788, Mr. Brown, an inhabitant of Kentucky, a 
personal and political friend of Wilkinson, and a dele- 
gate from Virginia to the Congress then sitting at New 
York, wrote to a friend as follows: "In private confer- 
ences which I have had with Mr. Gardoqui, the Spanish 
minister at this place, I have been assured by him in the 
most explicit terms, that if Kentucky will declare her 
independence, and empower some proper person to nego- 
tiate with him, he has authority to open the navigation 
of the Mississippi, for the exportation of their produce 
on terms of mutual advantage. But that this privilege 
can never be extended to them while part of the United 



CIVIL TROUBLES. 201 

States, by reason of commercial treaties between that 
court and other powers of Europe." This letter was 
addressed to Mr. Muter, one of the judges of Kentucky. 

Mr. Innis, the attorney of the United States, for the 
Kentucky district, in a letter to the President of the 
United States, about the same time, used the following 
language: "I am decidedly of opinion, that this western 
country will in a few years act for itself, and erect an 
independent government; for under the present system 
we can not exert our strength ; neither does Congress 
seem disposed to protect us." 

These indications were succeeded by others which 
seemed less equivocal, and which afforded much food for 
suspicion, to such as were disposed to be jealous. General 
Wilkinson made a voyage to New Orleans, and on his 
return announced that he had effected a contract with the 
Governor of Louisiana, by which the exclusive privilege 
had been granted to him, of exporting the tobacco of 
Kentucky to that market. The trade in this article, was 
at that time a monopoly in the hands of the king, and 
the port was not open for the reception of any produce 
from the territories of the United States; so that the 
privilege granted to Wilkinson was one of great favor, 
and much pecuniary value. He immediately advertised 
that he would purchase all the tobacco raised in Ken- 
tucky; and continued for several years to make large 
shipments. In the meanwhile, messengers were passing 
between himself and the Spanish Governor, and large 
sums of money were known to be transmitted from New 
Orleans to Kentucky ; events which were explained by Wil- 
kinson, as connected with his extensive tobacco specula- 
tion, while they were suspected by the public, to be parts 
of the machinery of a great political intrigue, deeply 
involving the peace of the country. 



202 SPANISH CONSPIRACY. 

At a later period, a person named Thomas Power, a sub- 
ject of Spain, and an emissary of the Spanish government, 
visited the western country, and had frequent interviews 
with Wilkinson, and some other influential gentlemen. 
A political party seized upon these circumstances, and 
published them to the world, with the distortions and 
exaggerations always incident to the malignity of partisan 
warfare; and for a series of years the public mind was 
violently agitated by rumours, accusations, and debates, 
relating to what was termed the Spanish conspiracy. The 
persons chiefly implicated were Wilkinson, Brown, Innis, 
Sebastian, and Nicholas — men of talents and reputation, 
all of them high in official stations, and enjoying the con- 
fidence both of the government and the people. That 
gentlemen, — none of whom are represented to have been 
mercenary or avaricious, but who were men of generous 
ambition, — who had raised themselves by their own tal- 
ents, and the voluntary suffrage of their fellow citizens, to 
the most exalted stations under our form of government, 
should wish to exchange that government for another 
under which they could rise no higher, seems improbable; 
and still more unlikely is it, that men who had been ac- 
customed to mingle all their lives with the people, and 
who must have been well acquainted with the popular 
hatred of foreign and monarchical governments, should 
have imagined such a scheme to be practicable. We can 
not believe it, without strong evidence ; for it is peculiarly 
one of those cases in which the burthen of proof should 
be thrown upon the accusers. 

The most suspicious circumstances are those in which 
Judge Sebastian was implicated, and which led to his im- 
peachment before the legislature of Kentucky. Sebastian 
was a man of fine talents and prepossessing exterior, who 
had been liberally educated abroad, with the intention of 



JUDGE SEBASTIAN. 203 

taking orders in the Church of England, and was deeply- 
imbued with the scholastic and theological learning which 
in that age was considered necessary; but changing his 
mind in reference to the choice of a profession, he studied 
law in Virginia, and became a highly accomplished member 
of the bar. He came to Kentucky among the early settlers, 
soon rose to distinction, and was one of the first to be 
placed on the bench, upon the organization of courts in 
that district. A man of graceful manners, and generous 
hospitality, with the reputation of possessing more than 
ordinary attainments, he rose to a high place in the public 
estimation. 

At a period when the question in relation to the navi- 
gation of the Mississippi had been anxiously discussed — 
when fruitless negotiations with the court of Spain had 
been carried on by «pur government, and appeals and re- 
monstrances equally unsuccessful, had been made to Con- 
gress by the people of Kentucky, Judge Sebastian received 
a letter from Baron Carondelet, Governor of Louisiana} 
containing propositions on this subject. In that letter, 
the original of which we have seen, the Spanish Governor 
addressed Sebastian as a distinguished citizen of Ken- 
tucky, and suggests that as their respective governments 
can not agree upon terms in regard to this important 
navigation, a temporary arrangement may be effected be- 
tween the local authorities at New Orleans, and the people 
of Kentucky; and proposes a conference for that purpose. 
Sebastian exhibited this letter to a number of influential 
gentlemen, who advised him to proceed in the negotiation ; 
and a meeting was accordingly arranged, to take place at 
New Madrid, between himself and the representative of 
Baron Carondelet. The meeting was held accordingly, 
and a paper, prepared at New Orleans, was tendered to the 
representative of Kentucky, for his approbation, which 



204 JUDGE SEBASTIAN. 

contained the following propositions, viz: 1. The Spanish 
government grants to the western people the right of navi- 
gating the Mississippi, and of exporting to any foreign 
port, and importing from any foreign port, through New 
Orleans, on payment of certain duties. 2d. It will be 
expected, that in return for this favor on the part of his 
Catholic Majesty, the western people will, in their future 
trade, give the preference to New Orleans. 

To a part of these terms Judge Sebastian objected. He 
was willing that his countrymen should pay duty on arti- 
cles imported through New Orleans, but objected to the 
payment of any impost upon the produce which might be 
carried down the river; and as the Spanish negotiator had 
no authority to yield this point, the scene of these opera- 
tions was changed to New Orleans, where Sebastian re- 
mained several months, and finally succeeded in procuring 
the terms proposed by himself; namely, the privilege of 
navigating the Mississippi, and using New Orleans as a 
place of entry and deposit, without any condition but that 
of paying duty on imports. 

In the meanwhile, the negotiation at New Madrid, and 
the visit of Sebastian to New Orleans, excited suspicion, 
and that gentleman was denounced by his political oppo- 
nents as a traitor, engaged in secret intrigues for barter- 
ing away the liberties of his countrymen to the Spanish 
despot. Great excitement prevailed, and as is usual on 
such occasions, the political demagogues who loved the 
people, seized the opportunity to magnify every suspected 
evil, and to blacken every suspicious act of those who 
were now boldly termed the conspirators. 

In the course of his negotiations with the Spanish 
governor, Sebastian, alluding to his delicate position as 
an unauthorized mediator, in a public affair said, that 
although he might gain for his country the advantages so 



A HARD CASE. 205 

long desired, and which seemed to be all that was want- 
ing to her prosperity, it was possible that his own reputa- 
tion and interest might be sacrificed. He was a volunteer 
in a patriotic, though delicate enterprise; he stood alone; 
the public was not pledged to ratify his deeds, nor was 
there any party bound to defend him, under any ad- 
verse result. These considerations were suggested to the 
Spanish governor, who at once saw the injustice of 
heaping upon one man all the present odium of a trans- 
action which must ultimately be highly advantageous to 
both governments, but from which he reaped no personal 
advantage, other than his share of the general good. He 
therefore addressed a letter to Sebastian, in which he sug- 
gested, that as the Spanish government anticipated great 
advantages from the proposed trade with the western peo- 
ple, they were willing to remunerate Mr. Sebastian for 
his exertions in effecting this beneficial commercial in- 
tercourse; and he urges him to continue his voluntary 
agency, and promises, that if in consequence thereof he 
should be thrown out of the public station he then held in 
Kentucky, the king of Spain would grant him a pension. 

It happened that very shortly after these events, the 
purchase of Louisiana by the government of the United 
States settled the long agitated question in reference to 
the navigation of the Mississippi, quieted the uneasiness 
and irritation of the western people, and rendered nuga- 
tory all that had been done by individuals towards the 
accomplishment of the desired result. But it did not 
close the eye of suspicion, nor hush the envenomed 
tongue of calumny. On the contrary, it occurred just 
in time to deprive those patriotic gentlemen of the only 
conclusive evidence of the purity of their intentions and 
of the precise nature and extent of their negotiations, 
which would have been shown by the eventual operation 



IMPEACHMENT OP JUDGE SEBASTIAN. 

of these proceedings. It left unfinished a series of trans- 
actions, in which a few public spirited individuals risked 
their reputations freely, for the delivery of their country 
from an intolerable grievance, and deprived them of the 
reward of gratitude and honor that would have attended 
the successful sequel of their efforts, by effecting the ob- 
ject through other means. It left them exposed, without 
the means of defense, to a bitter and untiring persecu- 
tion, urged by partisans animated by the lust of office, 
and unwarily abetted by a people ever too ready to give 
volume to the delusive voice of popular clamor, by join- 
ing, through mere impulse, in the cry commenced by a 
designing few. 

The greatest sufferer was Judge Sebastian, who, shortly 
after the admission of Kentucky into the Union, was im- 
peached upon the charge of being a pensioner of Spain. 
He asked for time to procure from Louisiana, and from 
Spain, the evidence of the true nature and extent of his 
negotiations with the agents of that government, but was 
refused; and having no other defense, he resigned his 
office, while a committee of the legislature, proceeding ex 
parte, examined a number of witnesses, and reported un- 
favorably to the party charged, who was proved to have 
received at least one payment from the Spanish govern- 
ment, as a gratuity for his services in the affairs above 
alluded to. 

It is painful to record the tragic sequel of the biogra- 
phy of that unfortunate gentleman. From an enviable 
elevation in society, he fell suddenly into profound and 
hopeless degradation. Blessed with high office, popular 
favor, and easy circumstances, he sank at once into 
poverty, oblivion, and contempt. Accused by the legis- 
lature, and convicted of having received money from a 
foreign power, nothing could protect him from the effects 



A HARD CASE. 207 

of popular resentment — neither his learning, his public 
services, nor the blameless tenor of his previous career 
as a public functionary. He fell without a struggle of 
self-defense, or an effort from the hand of friendship. 

In submitting, as he did, to the condemnation of the 
legislature, and of his fellow citizens, Judge Sebastian 
intended to defer the hour of explanation, until he could 
collect the proofs which were necessary to elucidate his 
whole conduct, the most of which could be obtained only 
from the Spanish officers with whom he had negotiated, 
and who had since been removed to different parts of the 
world. But he was prevented, by domestic afflictions, 
from pursuing this purpose to any beneficial result. One 
blow succeeded another, until the degraded politician and 
broken-hearted man, weighed down under an accumula- 
tion of griefs, lost the energy necessary to self-defense, 
and ceased to resist the adverse current of his ill-starred 
destiny. He lived long in retirement, so lost to the world 
that few of his fellow-citizens knew whether he was living 
or dead. Yet those who saw him in his seclusion, under 
the pressure of poverty, sorrow, and old age, were sur- 
prised at his vigor both of body and mind, the fascination 
of his conversational powers, and the apparent smplicity 
and benevolence of his character. Combining the phy- 
sical hardiness of the pioneer with the manners of a 
gentleman and the attainments of a scholar, he was a 
good specimen of the class to which he belonged, and of 
whom many yet remain among the gray-haired fathers of 
Kentucky. 

The writer has had the opportunity of examining papers 
relating to the transactions above alluded to, and many 
others, in the possession of a descendant of Judge Sebas- 
tian, and was forcibly struck by a circumstance which 
seems to have escaped those who condemned him. There 



208 judge Sebastian's negotiations. 

is not, throughout the whole of his intercourse with Ca- 
rondelet, the slightest allusion to any political connection 
between the people of Kentucky and the Spanish govern- 
ment. The navigation of the Mississippi, the traffic be- 
tween the upper and lower regions of that river, the 
exchange of commodities between the people residing on 
the Ohio, and those in Louisiana, are the sole topics of 
discussion. The whole transaction was of a commercial 
nature, and was not founded on any supposed disaffection 
on the part of the Kentuckians, or with any view to a 
political alliance with Spain. It has not the slightest 
connection with the communication of Gardoqui to Mr. 
Brown, whose names do not appear to have been alluded 
to in the correspondence between Carondelet and Sebas- 
tian; nor does it appear that Mr. Brown and Judge Se- 
bastian had any intercourse on this subject. It was by 
combining circumstances which were distinct and inde- 
pendent, that suspicion was produced, by giving an ap- 
pearance of unity and concert to events which were only 
accidentally coincident. 

This whole matter, when dispassionately considered, 
explains itself clearly to the unprejudiced mind, without 
subjecting any of the actors to the slightest imputation 
of criminality. The navigation of the Mississippi was 
the subject, above all others, of the most direct and vital 
importance to the western people. Spain, either from 
want of cordiality towards the United States, or a desire 
to detach the western settlements, or some entanglement 
with other European powers, refused to acknowledge our 
right to navigate that river; and our government pressed 
it but feebly. The people of Kentucky became alarmed 
and clamorous. The Spanish minister seized this junc- 
ture, to hint to Mr. Brown that the king of Spain was 
willing to grant to the western people, that which he 



THE CORRECT VIEW. 209 

would never yield to the United States ; and Mr. Brown 
faithfully reports this conversation to a gentleman in 
Kentucky, high in office, who makes the information 
public. The discontents of the people increase, and Mr. 
Innis, the attorney of the United States, writes to the 
President, that in his opinion, the western country will, 
in a few years, act for itself — stating, at the same time, 
the cause which he supposes will produce that result, — 
"under the present system we can not exert our strength, 
neither does Congress seem disposed to protect us.' If 
these men were conspirators, they were the most frank, 
communicative, and honest men that ever deserved that 
appellation; if they entertained designs hostile to the 
honor or the interest of their country, they certainly were 
singular in the choice of their confidants — members of 
Congress and officers of the law themselves, their com- 
munications are addressed to the President of the United 
States, to a Judge, and to the people! 

It appears further, that while the governments of Spain 
and the United States found it impracticable to come to 
any conclusion, in reference to this trade, the leading men 
of Louisiana and Kentucky became equally convinced 
that their respective districts must languish without it. 
Carondelet was a man of enlarged views, and probably 
represented to his government that the existing policy 
must prove as fatal to the Spanish colony as to the Ameri- 
can settlements; and Spain, while her pride, or her en- 
gagements with other nations, would not allow her to 
recede from the extravagant position she had taken, con- 
sented that temporary arrangements should be made by 
the local government, by which the commerce of the river 
should be unfettered, while she should not be bound by 
the compromise, but remain at liberty to resume her pre- 
tensions, or to suffer them to lie dormant. The arrange- 
18 



210 TRENCH CONSPIRACY. 

ment proposed to be effected, therefore, was not political, 
but commercial ; it did not compromise the government or 
people of the United States, or violate any existing law 
or treaty, but referred to the opening of a trade with a 
neighboring province, with whom we were at peace, which 
was desired by our people, and claimed for them by our 
government. It was obtaining the exercise of rights, 
without the direct sanction of the Spanish crown, which 
our government insisted that Spain had no right to with- 
hold. 

We are not aware of a single act in the whole transac- 
tion which involves the slightest imputation upon the pa- 
triotism of the gentlemen concerned, unless it be the receipt 
of money by Sebastian; and if we are right in supposing 
that it was simply a commercial operation, affecting only 
the present pecuniary interests of the people of these 
districts, we know of no rule of honor or morality under 
which that individual could be condemned for receiving a 
compensation for his agency, though it was imprudent 
in him as an individual, indelicate, and against rule as a 
public officer. But even this imputation does not extend 
to the other gentlemen who have been named, whose 
motives stand unimpeached, and who were actuated only 
by a zeal for the public good; and whose names, we are 
persuaded, will hereafter stand recorded in history, among 
those which Kentucky will be proud to honor. She has 
reared many illustrious patriots, but none who have served 
her more faithfully through a period of extraordinary 
embarrassment and peril, than Brown, Innis, Nicholas, 
and Sebastian. 

Such is a hasty outline of the affair which was termed 
the Spanish conspiracy ; the more audacious attempt of 
the French directory, shall be noticed still more briefly. 
In 1793, shortly after the arrival of M. Genet in the 



A UNIQUE DOCUMENT. 211 

United States, as minister from the French republic, a 
plan was organized by that factious diplomatist, to embroil 
the western people with the Spaniards; and four emissa- 
ries, whose names were Lachaise, Depeau, Mathurin, and 
Gregnon, were despatched to Kentucky. They were fur- 
nished with military commissions, and full powers from 
the French government, for the purpose of raising an 
army, to invade the Spanish possessions on the Missis- 
sippi ; a measure, which it was hoped would involve the 
government of the United States, and force her into a war 
with Spain. The openness with which these agents pro- 
ceeded, is quite apparent in the easy impudence of the 
following letter from one of them to Governor Shelby, in 
which the writer's facility in the use of the English 
language, seems to be about equal to his knowledge of 
the people. 

" Citizen Governor, — It may appear quite strange to 
write to you on a subject in which although it is of some 
consequence. 

"With confidence from the French ambassador, I have 
been despatched, in company with more Frenchmen, to 
join the expedition of the Mississippi. 

" As I am to procure the provision, I am happy to 
communicate to you, whatever you shall think worthy of 
my notice, or in which your advice may be of use to me, 
as I hope I have in no way disoblige you; if I have, I 
will most willingly ask your pardon. For nobody can be 
no more than I am willing for your prosperity and hap- 
piness. 

"As some strange reports has reached my ears that 
your excellence has positive orders to arrest all citizens 
inclining to our assistance, and as my remembrance know 
by your conduct, in justice you will satisfy me in this 
uncommon request. 



212 THE FRENCH EMISSARIES. 

"Please let me know, as I shall not make my supply 
till your excellence please to honor me with a small 
answer. 

"I am your well wisher in remaining for the French 
cause, a true citizen democrat. 

"Charle Depeau. 

" Po&tcrijpt. — Please to participate some of these hand- 
bills to that noble society of democrats." 

A number of persons were induced to engage in this 
enterprise ; a distinguished citizen of Kentucky received 
a commission as "Major General in the armies of France, 
and commander-in-chief of the French revolutionary le- 
gions on the Mississippi," and many preliminary arrange- 
ments were made for the anticipated campaign. The 
government of the United States became apprised of these 
measures, and promptly interfered. General Wayne, then 
at the head of the troops west of the Ohio, took measures 
to observe the motions of the French emissaries, and 
Governor St. Clair issued a proclamation, in which the 
people of the north-western territory were advised to ab- 
stain from any participation in these illegal proceedings. 

In glancing hastily at these events, we are cheered with 
the instructive lesson which they teach. There have been 
several instances in the history of our country, when dis- 
affection has broken out into murmur and menace ; in 
every instance, men of talent have been found among 
the ambitious fomenters of discord; but the good sense 
and integrity of the people, has invariably been found 
sufficient to protect them from being seduced into rebel- 
lion. Of all such events, those to which we have just 
alluded, afford perhaps the most decided proofs of in- 
corruptible loyalty and patriotism. If ever there was a 
people, who, in the choice of a government, had a right 



ATTEMPT TO RAISE AN ARMY. 213 

to act precisely as suited their own convenience, the pio- 
neers were entitled to that privilege. They had conquered 
a country for themselves. The government did not ex- 
tend to them either civil protection, military assistance, 
or pecuniary aid. They are the only first settlers, who 
neither violated the rights of the Indian, by taking his 
land by violence, nor expended money in its purchase. 
They found it without an owner, overrun by savage hun- 
ters and war parties, whose conflicting claims were no 
better than their own. They purchased it with blood and 
labour. Years were spent in painful marches and mid- 
night vigils; in hewing down the gigantic forest, exter- 
minating the wolf and the panther, and in guarding 
against the wiles of the savage. Through every peril, 
through all discouragement, they persevered unaided. 
The government could not aid them ; when the settlement 
of Kentucky commenced, she was herself engaged in the 
war for independence; at a later period, she had just 
passed through that contest, and remained an exhausted, 
breathless victor. 

The settlers of Kentucky had not only been unaccus- 
tomed to the protection or restraints of government, but 
there was some reason to believe, that the federal juris- 
diction could never be efficiently extended over them. 
The mountains formed then a line of separation which 
seemed insurmountable. The hunter crossed them with 
much toil, and the enterprising trader conducted his train 
of pack-horses with difficulty and long delay, over their 
steep acclivities; but the idea of a frequent, easy, and 
cheap method of intercourse, was not entertained nor 
deemed possible. 

Inhabiting a rich country, destined to become populous, 
and to yield the products of the earth in abundance, they 
naturally looked around them for a market. The moun- 



214 PATRIOTISM OP KENTUCKY. 

tains separated them from the marts of their countrymen 
on the sea-coast; to the north were the lakes and the pos- 
sessions of Great Britain, an unfriendly power; the western 
frontier was lined with hostile savages, with whom they 
could not hope to carry on any profitable traffic; to the 
south-west, the Spaniards, living under a rigid system 
of commercial non-intercourse, closed their markets for 
ever against foreigners. The noble river that swept their 
shores, and seemed destined by Providence as the great 
highway by which the dwellers in this region should seek 
the ocean, was shut against them. 

The right to navigate the Mississippi, became early a 
theme of animated discussion in Kentucky, and the sub- 
ject of urgent remonstrances to the government. The 
government hesitated and temporized; surrounded with 
the cares and perils which assailed the infancy of our 
national institutions, the small still voice from the distant 
wilderness fell faintly upon the executive ear. When the 
language of expostulation and defiance became loud, it 
was drowned in the dissensions of party violence; for by 
this time, the French revolution had broken out ; political 
divisions had sprung up in our country; two great parties 
were contending for power; and the complaints of the 
Kentuckians were attributed to the disorganizing zeal of 
partisans. 

Let it be remembered, too, that this was a period pecu- 
liarly propitious to the work of revolution. The American 
colonies had just separated from the mother country; the 
people were become familiar with the discussion of politi- 
cal rights, and accustomed to think for themselves. That 
reluctance with which men regard a change of govern- 
ment, and which induces them to submit to evils which 
are known, rather than plunge darkly into such as are 
unseen, had been dispelled by recent events; there was 



PRAISEWORTHY CONDUCT. 215 

an excitement in the public mind, an awakened energy 
in the tone of thought, which had prepared the people for 
decisive action, in any case, when demanded by their in- 
terests, and justified by their notions of moral or political 
honesty. At such a period, Spain held out a tempting 
bait to the enterprising settlers of the west. She offered 
them a free navigation of the Mississippi, and a market 
at New Orleans, upon the condition of their erecting an 
independent western republic; but the affections of the 
western people could not be thus alienated from their own 
countrymen; they could not be bribed to dissolve their 
connection with those to whom they were bound by the 
ties of consanguinity and honor, or to abandon, in its 
infancy and weakness, a government to which they owed 
nothing but the voluntary homage of respect and pre- 
ference. 

The offers of the French government were still more 
alluring. They were invited to invade the Spaniards, 
against whom they were exasperated by a long continued 
and unjust denial of their right to the navigation of the 
Mississippi. The friendship and pecuniary aid of a pow- 
erful nation, was tendered to their acceptance. The city 
of New Orleans, and the fertile province of Louisiana, 
with its genial climate and varied productions, were within 
the reach of their grasp. The whole of the broad valley 
of the west lay before them, with its hundred rivers and 
its mighty resources; and the glory of building up a new 
empire in this delightful region, was held up in dazzling 
splendor before their eyes. Still they remained true to 
their country and their principles. In the retrospect of 
these affairs, it should not be forgotten, that they suc- 
ceeded the termination of the revolutionary war. Thou- 
sands of soldiers had just been disbanded, and were 
destitute of employment. A vast number of young gen- 



216 PATRIOTISM NATURAL TO OUR CITIZENS. 

tlemen had entered the revolutionary armies, at an age 
usually appropriated to the choice of a profession, and 
the acquirement of the knowledge and habits requisite 
for civil pursuits; they had spent years in the military 
profession, imbibed a thirst for fame, and acquired a love 
for the vicissitudes of war. Their occupation was now 
gone; they were too old to commence a course of pro- 
fessional study, and they had no tastes which suited them 
for the quiet pursuits of industry. Many of these gen- 
tlemen had emigrated to the west, and others were still 
unsettled. To such persons, the temptation of military 
service, the allurement of ambitious prospects, the wide 
field of enterprise, opened in brilliant perspective before 
them, must have been in the highest degree inviting. 
But they had the forbearance to resist the dangerous in- 
citement, the patriotism to prefer the peace and honor of 
their country to their own fame and interest. 

When we consider these transactions in connection with 
others which have subsequently occurred, and pass in 
sober review the various occasions on which a portion of 
our people have been goaded into momentary disaffection, 
by a pressure of affairs which has exasperated their feel- 
ings or blighted their interests ; when we remark how 
often our country has been threatened with disunion, and 
how portentously the storm of discord has lowered, until 
it seemed ready to burst upon our heads, and reflect how 
invariably our fears have proved delusive — how beauti- 
fully and tranquilly the clouds of rebellion have passed 
away, and the sun of peace shone out in quiet glory, we 
are led to the conclusion, that there are inherent ties of 
reason and affection entwined in the fabric of our society, 
which bind it indissolubly together. 



NEW INTRIGUES. 217 



CHAPTER XIV. 

Burr's Conspiracy. 

In the year 1806, the western country began to he again 
disturbed by the machinations of political agitators. An 
event has seldom occurred, so intrinsically insignificant in 
its result, which has created so great a sensation as the 
conspiracy of Burr; which, indeed, derives its consequence 
principally from the celebrity of the names attached to it, 
and the igorance of the world as to its final object. Burr 
was the rival of Hamilton; Hamilton, the friend of Wash- 
ington, his military aid, his political adviser, his social 
companion — equally eminent as a soldier, an orator, a 
writer, a financier, and a lawyer. The man who could 
make Hamilton experience, or even counterfeit, 

" The stern joy that warriors feel, 
In foeruan worthy of their steel," 

must have stood far above mediocrity. Colonel Burr was 
the son of a gentleman eminent for his learning and piety, 
for many years president of the most celebrated college in 
America ; and was himself a man of transcendent genius 
and great attainments. He was remarkable for the ele- 
gance of his manners, the seductiveness of his address, 
the power and sweetness of his eloquence; but more so, 
perhaps, for the boldness and energy of his mind. Burr 
19 



218 burr's duel with Hamilton. 

had contended unsuccessfully with Jefferson for the presi- 
dential chair, which he lost by a single vote; but while 
he filled the second place in dignity, few at that time 
would have assigned him an inferior station in point of 
talents. 

The duel between Hamilton and Burr filled the nation 
with astonishment and grief — grief for the death of a 
great and useful man, and astonishment at the delusion 
which occasioned it. Burr, with the corpse of Hamilton 
at his feet, might have felt the triumph of conquest; but 
it was a momentary flush; the laurels of the hero, watered 
by the tears of his country, retained their verdure ; and 
even those who might have rejoiced at his political fall, 
execrated the destroyer of his existence. 

Shortly after this bloody catastrophe, the conduct of 
Burr began again to excite the attention of the public. 
He had resigned his former employments, forsaken his 
usual haunts, and was leading an erratic and mysterious 
life. He frequently traveled incognito, performed long 
and rapid journeys, and remained but a short time at any 
one place. This restlessness was attributed to uneasiness 
of mind, and many began to sympathize with him whom 
they supposed to be thus tortured with the stings of con- 
science. But whatever might have been the workings of 
his mind, he soon evinced that its fire was not quenched, 
nor its ambition sated. He was now seen traversing the 
western wilds, eagerly seeking out the distinguished men 
of that country, particularly those who possessed military 
experience, or had hearts alive to the stirring impulses of 
ambition. 

These indications were quickly succeeded by others of a 
more decided character. Secret as his intentions were, 
the first movement towards their execution awakened 
suspicion. The assembling of men and collecting muni- 



HIS DISGRACE. 219 

tions of war, roused the government to action. Burr was 
arrested — his plans defeated, his adherents dispersed, and 
his reputation blasted. He became an exile and a wan- 
derer; and after years of suffering, returned to his native 
land, to become an insignificant member of that bar, of 
which he had been among the highest ornaments — an 
obscure citizen of that country over whose councils he 
had presided; and to add another to the list of splendid 
men, who have been great without benefit to themselves or 
others, and whose names will be preserved only 

"To point a moral, or adorn a tale." 

He was entirely abandoned. Never was a man more 
studiously avoided, more unanimously condemned. The 
voice of eulogy was silent, the breath of party was hushed. 
Of the many who had admired and loved him, none ven- 
tured to express their love or admiration. One fatal act 
of folly, or of crime, had obscured all the brilliancy of a 
splendid career; and, although acquitted of treason by a 
court of justice, a higher tribunal, that of public opinion, 
refused to reverse the sentence which consigned him to 
disgrace. 

Such was the fate of Burr ; but his plans are yet en- 
veloped in mystery. A descent upon some part of 
Spanish America, and the establishment of an inde- 
pendent government, has been stated to have been the 
object; but it is alleged, that a separation of the western 
States from the Union, formed a part of the project. The 
latter charge rests almost entirely upon the evidence of 
General Eaton, a gentleman whose chivalrous disposition 
led him through many singular adventures, and whose 
history, as recorded by himself, presents a more favorable 
picture of his heart and genius than of his judgment. 
He was a man of warm temperament, who adopted hasty 



220 gen. eaton's testimony. 

and vivid impressions from the impulse of the moment. 
From his testimony, I should he inclined to believe, that 
Colonel Burr had cherished some vague ideas respecting 
a disjunction of the Union; but it does not appear that 
those speculations were ever matured into any settled 
plan, or confided to his adherents. I am led to this con- 
clusion, by the characters of Colonel Burr and the gen- 
tlemen who were implicated with him in his disastrous 
expedition. Burr was a close observer of men and man- 
ners; and it is not to be presumed, that he would have 
lightly embraced a scheme so fraught with treason, mad- 
ness, and folly. He knew the American people well. He 
had studied them with the eye of a statesman, and with 
the intense interest of an ambitious political aspirant. 
His rank in society, his political station, and his exten- 
sive practice at the bar, threw open a wide and varied 
scene to his observation, and exhibited his countrymen to 
him in a variety of lights and shades. 

Nor was Burr the man upon whom such opportunities 
would be lost. To him, the avenues of the human heart 
were familiar, and he could penetrate with ease into its 
secret recesses. To study man was his delight — to study 
his countrymen his business. Could he then have been 
a stranger to their intelligence, their sense of honor, their 
habits of calculation, and their love for their republican 
institutions? Could he expect to transform at once, the 
habits, feelings, tastes, and morals of a people conspicuous 
for their courage and political integrity? — for such are 
the people of the western States. It has been supposed, 
and with some plausibility, that his hopes were founded 
on the dissatisfaction evinced by the western people, at 
the time of the discussion of our right to navigate the 
Mississippi. It is true, that the rude and unprovoked vio- 
lation of our privileges on that river by Spain, excited 



burr's conspiracy. 221 

a universal burst of indignation throughout the Union. 
It is also true, that this feeling was most warmly dis- 
played in the west, In the Atlantic States, the insult 
was felt as implicating our national honor; in the west, 
it was a matter of vital importance to all, and of personal 
interest to every individual, and as such it came home- 
to men's business unci bosoms* The Mississippi was the 
natural outlet, and New Orleans the mart for the produce 
of the west; and when that market, to which they believed 
they had an indefeasible right of access, was barred to 
them, it was but the natural and common impulse of the 
human mind, which induced a people, at all times proud, 
impetuous, and tenacious, to call for vengeance and re- 
dress, with a sternness and impatience commensurate with 
their injuries. The conciliatory spirit and tardy policy of 
Mr. Jefferson, neither satisfied their feelings, nor suited 
their exigencies; and they were willing to impute to tame- 
ness in the executive, or to a disregard for their interests, 
that which might have been the result of natural weakness 
or mistaken policy. Believing themselves to be aban- 
doned by the general government, they felt it a duty to 
protect their own invaded rights; and if the government 
had not interposed with effect, they would doubtless have 
drawn the sword — against whom? the government? No, 
but against the common enemy. In this there was no 
treason nor disaffection — no estrangement from their 
sister States, no breach of faith with the government, nor 
violation of the compact. It was saying only to their 
federal head — "defend us, or we will defend ourselves." 
If Colonel Burr expected to fan these feelings into 
rebellion, he had either more boldness or less wisdom, 
than has commonly been placed to his credit; and had 
he openly avowed this project, he would have called down 
upon his head the imprecations of a people, who, if they 



222 burr's views uncertain. 

had spared his life, would not have forgiven so foul an 
insult to their virtue and understanding. But let us ask 
who were the adherents of Colonel Burr? Who were 
they who were to share his fortunes, to reap with him the 
proud laurels of successful valor, or the infamy of foul 
rebellion? Were they persons of obscure name and des- 
perate fortune, or were they men of good blood and fair 
fame ? These questions are embarrassed with • some un- 
certainty, because most of the gentlemen who have been 
accused of adhering to Colonel Burr, have denied the 
fact; and I wish not to assume any thing as a fact, on 
this delicate subject, which is, or has been controverted. 
But it is not denied that many " prosperous gentlemen " 
were engaged in this enterprise ; and many others sus- 
pected, with a belief so strong as to amount almost to 
certainty ; and among these were men whom the people 
have since exalted to the most important trusts, and con- 
fided in with the most implicit reliance. Among them 
were men of high standing, who had reputations to be 
tarnished, fortunes to be lost, and families to be embar- 
rassed ; and many high-souled youths, whose proud as- 
pirings after fame could never have been gratified amid 
the horrors of a civil war and the guilty scenes of re- 
bellion. 

It is argued against these gentlemen, that they have 
uniformly denied their connection with Burr, which it is 
supposed they would not have done had they known his 
designs to be innocent. But this I do not conceive to be 
a fair argument. The united voice of the whole nation 
had declared Burr to be a traitor, and his adherents 
shared the obloquy which was heaped upon their mis- 
guided leader. Even admitting their innocence, or their 
own belief of it, still it would have been a hopeless task 
for this handful of men to oppose their feeble assevera- 



BLANNERHASSET. 223 

tions to the "voice potential" of a whole people. Many 
of them, also, were candidates for office, and they found 
the avenues to preferment closed by the anathemas pro- 
nounced by the people against all who were concerned in 
what they believed to have been rank conspiracy. They 
might, therefore, t)ave bent to the current which they 
could not stem. 

Blannerhasset was an Irish gentleman of easy fortune 
— a man devoted to science, who retired from the world, 
in the hope of finding happiness in the union of literary 
and rural occupation. He selected an island in the Ohio, 
which still bears his name, as his retreat, and spared no 
expense in beautifying and improving it. He is described 
as having been retired in his habits, amiable in his pro- 
pensities, greatly addicted to chemical studies, and a pas- 
sionate lover of music. In this romantic spot, and in 
these innocent pursuits, he lived; and, to crown the en- 
chantment of the scene, a wife, who is said to have been 
lovely even beyond her sex, and graced with every ac- 
complishment that could render it irresistible, had blessed 
him with her love, and made him the father of her chil- 
dren. But Blannerhasset, in an evil hour, became ac- 
quainted with Burr ; he imbibed the poison of his ambition, 
became involved in his intrigues, and shared his ruin — a 
ruin as complete, desolate, and hopeless, as his former state 
had been serene and bright. 

Whatever were Burr's intentions, it is certain that they 
embraced schemes so alluring, or so magnificent, as to 
win the credulous Blannerhasset from the abstraction of 
study and the blandishments of love. This island became 
the center of operations. Here arms were deposited and 
men collected ; and here, assembled round their watch- 
fires, young gentlemen, who "had seen better days," and 
"sat at good men's feasts," endured all the rigors of the 



224 KING AARON THE FIRST. 

climate and the privations of a campaign, rewarding them- 
selves, in anticipation, with the honors of war and the 
wealth of Mexico. Burr and Blannerhasset were the 
master spirits who planned their labors ; Mrs. Blanner- 
hasset was the light and life of all their social joys. If 
treason matured its dark designs in her mansion, here 
also the song, the dance, and the revel, displayed their 
fascinations. The order of arrest was the signal of dis- 
persion to this ill fated band; and it is said, that the lovely 
mistress of this fairy scene, the Calypso of this enchanted 
isle, was seen at midnight, " shivering on the winter 
banks of the Ohio," mingling her tears with its waters, 
eluding by stratagem the ministers of justice, and desti- 
tute of the comforts of life, and the solace of that hospi- 
tality which she had once dispensed with such graceful 
liberality. 

I believe it is not doubted, that Burr intended to have 
attempted the conquest of Mexico. A large portion of 
the people of that country were supposed to be waiting 
only for a favorable opportunity to throw off the Spanish 
yoke. The Americans, as their neighbors, and as repub- 
licans, would, it was thought, be received without sus- 
picion ; nor would Burr have unfolded his ultimate design, 
until it should be too late to prevent its accomplishment. 
He would then have established a monarchy, at the head 
of which would have been King Aaron the First. I am 
told, that the young gentlemen who were proceeding to join 
him, often amused themselves on this subject; talking, 
half in jest and half in earnest, of the offices and honors 
which awaited them. Titles and places were already lav- 
ishly distributed in anticipation ; and Mrs. Blannerhasset, 
who was an accomplished and sprightly woman, had ar- 
ranged the dresses and ceremonies of the court. When 
the alarm was given, and orders were issued for the arrest 



DISPERSION OF THE CONSPIRATORS. 225 

of Burr and his adherents, they were obliged to resort to 
a variety of expedients to escape detection. At Fort Mas- 
sac, and other places, all boats descending the river were 
compelled to stop and undergo strict examination, to the 
great vexation of boatmen and peaceable voyagers, who 
were often obliged to land at unseasonable hours. Very 
diligent inquiry was made for the lady just mentioned, 
who several times narrowly escaped detection, through her 
own ingenuity and that of her companions. 



226 THE PIONEERS. 



CHAPTER XV. 

Character of the Pioneers — Their Adventures — Anecdote of Mul- 
drow — Of Boone — Device of the Indians — Romantic Adventure 
of two Females. 

Passing in rapid review the period over which we have 
passed, we find that the district of Kentucky was settled 
by several distinct classes of people, differing much from 
each other, and each having a marked peculiarity of cha- 
racter. It is from not knowing, or not adverting to this 
circumstance, that erroneous impressions have been re- 
ceived of the genius and disposition of the western peo- 
ple ; to the manners of all of whom, the Kentuckians have 
given a decided tone. 

Those who came first — the Boones, the Kentons, the 
Whitleys — were rough, uneducated men; the enterprising, 
fearless, hardy pioneers. They were literally backwoods- 
men, who had always resided on the frontiers, forming the 
connecting link between civilized and savage men; and 
who did not, in their emigration to the west, form any 
new acquaintance with the perils of the wilderness. They 
had been inhabitants of the long line of frontier lying- 
east of the Allegheny mountains; were the descendants of 
men, whose lives had been spent in fierce contests with the 
Indians; and were themselves accustomed from infancy, 
to the vicissitudes of hunting and border warfare. A few 
of them came from Pennsylvania and Maryland, but the 
great body from Virginia and North Carolina. Strictly 



CHARACTER. — STRATAGEMS. 227 

speaking, they were not farmers; for, although they en- 
gaged in agriculture, they depended chiefly on their guns 
for subsistence ; and were allured to the west, rather by 
the glories of the boundless forest and the abundance of 
game, than by the fertility of the new lands, and the 
ample resources of the country. They came singly or in 
small parties, careless of protection, and fearless of con- 
sequences. Their first residence was a camp; a frail shel- 
ter formed of poles and bark, carefully concealed in some 
retired spot, in which they hid the spoils of the chase, 
and to which they crept for repose at night, or slept away 
the long inclement days, when the hunter and his prey 
were alike driven by the storm to seek the shelter of their 
coverts. At other times, they roamed abroad, either en- 
gaged in hunting, or in making long journeys of explora- 
tion; sleeping in the open air, and feeding upon the 
fruits of the forest and the flesh of wild animals, without 
bread or condiment. Between them and the Indians, 
there seems to have existed, from the beginning, a mutual 
dislike and distrust; and except when there happened to 
be a great superiority of numbers on one side, or a recent 
provocation, they rather avoided than sought each other. 
But they seldom met without shedding blood. 

The stratagems of this border warfare were ingenious, 
and often highly amusing. The pioneer, as well as the 
Indian warrior, felt as much triumph in deceiving his 
enemy by a successful device, as in conquering him in 
battle; and usually acquired more lasting fame among his 
comrades from the former, than from the latter exploit; 
for in the circumstances under which they were mutually 
placed, cunning was a more valuable quality than courage. 
The bravest man might be overpowered by numbers, or 
slain by a bullet from the rifle of an unseen foe; but the 
wily hunter, who was always watchful, self-possessed, and 



228 MULDROW'S HILL. 

fertile of expedients, seemed to bear a charmed life, and 
to be proof, as well against secret hostility as open vio- 
lence. We read, with an admiration bordering upon in- 
credulity, of the adventures of such men as Boone and Ken- 
ton — of their fights, their retreats, their captivity, their 
escapes, their recovery from dreadful wounds^ their wan- 
derings without arms and provisions, and their surviving 
through all, to die of old age in their beds;- almost real- 
izing the description of the apostle, "in journeyings often, 
in perils of water, in perils of mine own countrymen, in 
perils by the heathen, in perils in the city, in perils in 
the wilderness, in perils in the sea, in perils among false 
brethren ; in weariness and painfulness, in watchings often, 
in hunger and thirst, in fastings often, in cold and na- 
kedness. 

The following anecdote, highly characteristic of the ad- 
venturous life of the pioneers, was related to the author, 
while riding over a range of savage precipices called 
Muldrow^s Hill, in the central part of Kentucky, and 
refers, as he understood, to the Mr. Muldrow, whose name 
is attached to that desolate wilderness. 

Among these rugged acclivities I saw a cluster of di- 
lapidated log houses, which, I was informed, had been 
erected by one of the earliest settlers; and I could not 
avoid feeling some surprise, that a pioneer should have 
seated himself on such a barren and inhospitable tract, 
when all the rich plains and valleys of this delightful coun- 
try were uninhabited; and when he might have selected 
other lands of surpassing fertility and beauty. Yet such a 
choice was not uncommon; and upon examining the first 
locations of settlers, in different parts of the western 
country, we do not find that they always selected the best 
lands, or the most advantageous situations; and we can 
only account for the circumstance, by supposing that 



ANECDOTE OP MULDROW. 229 

many of them were persons with whom agriculture was not 
a primary object, and who sought good hunting grounds 
rather than a productive soil; or else that they chose po- 
sitions in reference to security from Indian hostilities. 
The individual alluded to, settled here at a time when 
there was not a single white man but himself in this vi- 
cinity, and here he had resided with his wife, for a year, 
without having seen the face of any other human being. 
Perhaps, as it was his choice to reside in a wilderness, 
isolated from his own species, he might have thought it 
prudent to conceal his place of abode from the Indians, 
by erecting his cabin in an inhospitable waste, difficult 
of access, where there were no pastures to invite the deer 
or buffalo, and no game to allure the savage hunter, and 
where his family remained secure, while he roved with 
his gun over some hunting ground at a convenient dis- 
tance. 

After passing a year in this mode of life, he was one 
day wandering through the woods in search of game, 
when he heard the barking of a dog, and supposing that 
an Indian was near, concealed himself. Presently a small 
dog came running alone his track, with his nose to the 
ground, as if pursuing his footsteps, and had nearly 
reached his hiding-place, when it stopped, snuffed the air, 
and uttered a low whine, as if to admonish its master, 
that the object of pursuit was near at hand. In a few 
minutes the owner of the dog came stepping cautiously 
along, glancing his eyes jealously around, and uttering 
low signals to the dog. But the dog stood at fault, and 
the owner halted, within a few yards of our hunter, 
and fully exposed to view. The new comer was a tall 
athletic man, completely armed, with rifle, tomahawk, and 
knife; but whether he was a white man or an Indian, 
could not be determined, either by his complexion or 



230 MULROW'S ADVENTURE. 

dress. He wore a hunting-shirt and leggins, of dressed 
deer-skin, and a hat from which the rim was entirely torn 
away, and the crown elongated into the shape of a sugar 
loaf. The face, feet, and hands, which were exposed, were 
of the tawny hue of the savage, but whether the color 
was natural, or the effect of exposure, could not be as- 
certained even by the keen eye of the hunter, and the 
features were so disguised by dirt and gunpowder, that 
their expression afforded no clue, by which the question 
could be decided, whether the individual was a friend or 
a foe. There was but a moment for deliberation, and 
after a hasty scrutiny, the pioneer, inclining to the 
opinion that the stranger was an Indian, cautiously drew 
up his rifle, and took a deliberate aim; but the bare pos- 
sibility that he might be pointing his weapon at the bosom 
of a countryman, induced him to pause. Again he raised 
his gun, and again hesitated; while his opponent with his 
rifle half raised towards his face, and his finger on the 
trigger, looked eagerly around. Both stood motionless 
and silent; one searching for the object of his pursuit, 
the other in readiness to fire. At length the hunter, 
having resolved to delay no longer, cocked his rifle — the 
tich reached the acute ear of his opponent, who instantly 
sprung behind a tree; the hunter imitated his example, 
and they were now fairly opposed, each covered by a tree, 
from behind which he endeavored to get a shot at his 
adversary without exposing his own person. And now a 
series of statagems ensued, each seeking to draw the fire 
of the other — until the stranger, becoming weary of sus- 
pense, called out, " Why don't you shoot, you etarnal 
cowardly varment." " Shoot, yourself, you bloody red- 
skin," retorted the other. "No more a red-skin than 
yourself." " Are you a white man?" " To-be-sure I am ; 
are you?" "Yes; no mistake in me." Whereupon each 



ANECDOTE OF BOONE. 231 

being undeceived, they threw down their guns, rushed 
together with open arms, and took a hearty hug. The 
hunter now learned, that the stranger had been settled, 
with his family, about ten miles from him, for several 
months past, and that they had often roamed over the 
same hunting grounds each supposing himself the sole 
inhabitant of that region. On the following day, the 
hunter saddled his horse, and taking up his good-wife 
behind him, carried her down to make a call upon her 
new neighbor, who doubtless received the visit with far 
more sincere joy than usually attends such ceremonies. 

The pioneers were often captured; and while on the 
march towards the Indian towns, were rescued by their 
friends, or succeeded in making their escape, although 
bound and closely watched. Sometimes they were carried 
to the villages of the captors ; endured with heroic calm- 
ness all the tortures which savage cruelty could invent ; 
and at last escaped by some ingenious stratagem, or were 
forcibly rescued, even at the stake, by their daring com- 
rades. Often did a single individual, escaping from cap- 
tivity, unarmed and lacerated with wounds and stripes, 
retreat for hundreds of miles before a pursuing party of 
enraged savages; foiling their skill by superior ingenuity, 
or outstripping them in the mere exertion of muscular 
power. Sometimes they disguised themselves in the skins 
of wild beasts, to decoy the foe; and in making signals 
to each other, they imitated the notes of birds and the 
various cries of the forest. In several instances, the crews 
of boats descending the Ohio, have been allured to the 
shore and slain, by Indians crawling on the beach, covered 
with the skins of bears; and the garrisons of our forts 
have more than once been deceived by similar devices. 

An anecdote is told of Boone, which is highly charac- 
teristic of the humor and the coolness of the pioneer. 



232 BOONE SWALLOWS THE KNIFE. 

He was once resting in the woods, with a small number 
of followers, when a large party of Indians came suddenly 
upon them and halted — neither party having discovered 
the other until they came in contact. The whites were 
eating; and the Indians, with the ready tact for which 
they are famous, sat down with perfect composure and 
commenced eating also. It was obvious that they wished 
to lull the suspicions of the white men, and to seize a 
favorable opportunity for rushing upon them, Boone 
affected a careless inattention; but in an under tone, 
quietly admonished his men to keep their hands upon 
their rifles. He then strolled towards the Indians, un- 
armed, and leisurely picking the meat from a bone; the 
Indian leader, who was similarly employed, rose to meet 
him. Boone saluted him, and then requested to look at 
the knife with which the Indian was cutting his meat. 
The chief handed it to him without hesitation ; and our 
pioneer, who, with his other accomplishments, possessed 
considerable expertness at sleight of hand, deliberately 
opened his mouth and affected to swallow the long knife, 
which, at the same instant, he threw adroitly into his 
sleeve. The Indians were astonished; Boone gulped, rub- 
bed his throat, stroked his body, and then, with apparent 
satisfaction, pronounced the horrid mouthful to be very 
good. Having enjoyed the surprise of the spectators for 
a few moments, he made another contortion, and drawing 
forth the knife, as they supposed, from his body, civilly 
returned it to the chief. The latter took the point cau- 
tiously between his thumb and finger, as if fearful of 
being contaminated by touching the weapon, and threw 
it from him into the bushes. The pioneer sauntered back 
to his party; and the Indians, instantly despatching their 
meal, marched off. desiring no farther intercourse with a 
man who could swallow a scalping-knife. 

fi 



INDIAN STRATAGEM. 233 

A singular maneuver was practiced by a party of In- 
dians, who had stolen some horses on Elkhorn, in 1788. 
They were pursued by a superior number of Americans, 
for about twenty miles, and overtaken at a spot where 
they had halted to rest, in a brushy copse of wood. The 
whites came upon them suddenly, and the parties dis- 
covered each other simultaneously. The pursuers made 
preparations to fire; the Indians sprang up from the 
ground, on which they were sitting, and gave a yell; but 
instead of making any show of resistance, ran about as if 
distracted. One, who was probably the chief, threw him- 
self between the two parties, and continued to scream and 
jump, dodging from side to side, springing aloft, and 
throwing his body into violent contortions. This strange 
exhibition, attracted the attention of the Kentuckians, 
and prevented them from firing; while the other Indians, 
gathering up their guns and blankets, disappeared — dis- 
persing in various directions, so as to leave no trace, and 
baffle pursuit. Lastly, the dexterous savage, perceiving 
that his comrades were so scattered as to be safe from im- 
mediate danger, suddenly threw off his feigned character, 
and dashing into the bushes made his escape, leaving a 
foe, superior in numbers, bewildered with amazement at 
this extemporaneous display of ingenuity. 

The females, too, had "their exits and their entrances," 
in this bloody drama; and exercised their courage as well 
as their inventive powers, in the practice of strategy. A 
party of Indians approached a solitary log-house, with the 
intention of murdering its inmates. With their usual 
caution, one of their number was sent forward to recon- 
noiter, who, discovering the only persons within to be a 
woman, two or three children, and a negro man, rushed 
in by himself and seized the negro. The woman caught 
up an axe, and with a single blow laid the savage warrior 
20 



234 A ROMANTIC INCIDENT. 

dead at her feet, while the children closed the door, and 
with ready sagacity employed themselves in fastening it. 
The rest of the Indians came up, and attempted to force 
an entrance; but the negro and the children kept the 
door closed; and the intrepid mother, having no effective 
weapon, picked up a gun barrel, which had neither stock 
nor lock, and pointed it at the savages through the aper- 
tures between the logs. The Indians, deceived by the 
appearance of a gun, and daunted by the death of their 
companion, retired. 

Another incident which occurred at this early period., is 
worthy of recital, because it is not only deeply affecting 
in itself, but is highly illustrative of the sufferings of the 
first settlers. Among the adventurers whom Boone de- 
cribes as having reinforced his little colony, was a young 
gentleman named Smith, who had been a major in the 
militia of Virginia, and possessed a full share of the gal- 
lantry and noble spirit of his native State. In the absence 
of Boone, he was chosen, on account of his military rank 
and talents, to command the rude citadel, which contained 
all the wealth of this patriarchal band — their wives, their 
children, and their herds. It held also an object particu- 
larly dear to this young soldier — a lady, the daughter of 
one of the settlers, to whom he had pledged his affections. 
It came to pass, upon a certain day, when a siege was just 
over, tranquillity restored, and the employment of hus- 
bandry resumed, that this young lady, with a female com- 
panion, strolled out, as young ladies in love are very apt 
to do, along the banks of the Kentucky river. Having 
rambled about for some time, they espied a canoe lying 
by the shore, and in a frolic, stepped into it, with the de- 
termination of visiting a neighbor on the opposite bank. 
It seems that they were not so well skilled in navigation 
as the Lady of the Lake, who "paddled her own canoe" 



LADIES SEIZED BY INDIANS. 235 

very dexterously; for instead of gliding to the point of 
destination, they were whirled about by the stream, and 
at length thrown on a sand bar, from which they were 
obliged to wade to the shore. Full of the mirth ex- 
cited by their wild adventure, they hastily arranged their 
dresses, and were proceeding to climb the banks, when 
three Indians, rushing from a neighboring covert, seized 
the fair wanderers, and forced them away. Their savage 
captors, evincing no sympathy for their distress, nor 
allowing them time for rest or reflection, hurried them 
along during the whole day, by rugged and thorny paths. 
Their shoes were worn off by the rocks, their clothes torn, 
and their feet and limbs lacerated and stained with blood. 
To heighten their misery, oue of the savages began to 

make love to Miss , (the intended of Major S.) and 

while goading her along with a pointed stick, promised, in 
recompense for her sufferings, to make her his squaw. 
This at once roused all the energies of her mind, and 
called its powers into action. In the hope that her friends 
would soon pursue them, she broke the twigs as she passed 
along, and delayed the party as much as possible by tardy 
and blundering steps. But why dwell on the heartless 
and unmanly cruelty of these savages? The day and the 
night passed, and another day of agony had nearly rolled 
over the heads of these afflicted females, when their con- 
ductors halted to cook a wild repast of buffalo meat. 

The ladies were soon missed from the garrison. The 
natural courage and sagacity of Smith, now heightened by 
love, gave him the wings of the wind and the fierceness 
of the tiger. The light traces of female feet led him to 
the place of embarkation ; the canoe was traced to the op- 
posite shore; the deep print of the moccasin in the sand, 
told the rest; and the agonized Smith, accompanied by a 
few of his best woodsmen, pursued "the spoil encumbered 



236 RESCUED BY MAJOR SMITH. 

foe." The track once discovered, they kept it with that 
unerring sagacity so peculiar to our hunters. The bended 
grass, the disentangled briers, and the compressed shrub, 
afforded the only, but to them the certain indications of 
the route of the enemy. When they had sufficiently as- 
certained the general course of the retreat of the Indians, 
Smith quitted the trace, assuring his companions that they 
would fall in with them at the pass of a certain stream 
ahead, for which he now struck a direct course, thus gain- 
ing on the foe, who had taken the most difficult paths. 
Arrived at the stream, they traced its course until they 
discovered the water newly thrown upon the rocks. 
Smith, leaving his party, now crept forward upon his 
hands and feet, until he discovered one of the savages 
seated by a fire, and with deliberate aim shot him through 
the heart. The women rushed towards their deliverer, 
and recognizing Smith, clung to him in the transport of 
newly awakened joy and gratitude, while a second Indian 
sprang towards him with his tomahawk. Smith, disen- 
gaging himself from the ladies, aimed a blow at his an- 
tagonist with his rifle, which the savage avoided by 
springing aside, but at the same moment, the latter re- 
ceived a mortal wound from another hand. The other 
and only remaining Indian, fell in attempting to escape. 
Smith, with his interesting charge, returned in triumph to 
the fort, where his gallantry, no doubt, was repaid by the 
sweetest of all rewards. 



THE PIONEERS. 237 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Character of the Pioneers — Their Mode of Living — Introduction of 
Steamboats — Its effect on the Manners of the People. 

Among the pioneers were many substantial farmers — a 
class that differed from that of which we have spoken, 
only in being more industrious and provident. They 
were of the same stock; equally accustomed to the rude 
scenes of border life, brothers of the same family; but 
like Jacob and Esau, one was devoted to the vicissitudes 
of sylvan sport, the other to the sober employments of 
domestic industry. They came together to the wilderness, 
the one to possess the soil, the other to wander through, 
the forest in search of game. Alike in appearance and 
manners, and each occasionally adopting the character of 
the other, a stranger would have been unable to recognise 
any distinction between them; but in a few years, the 
hunter moved forward to a more newly discovered coun- 
try, while the farmer remained to clear away the forest 
and raise abundant crops upon its virgin soil. In a few 
years more, the farmer attests the force of nature and the 
purity of his descent, by sighing for newer lands; and 
selling his farm to a later emigrant, he takes his flocks 
and herds, his children and servants, and follows the 
hunter to the farther wilderness. The reader, however, 
is not to suppose that either of these classes are always 
in motion. They remain for years in one spot, forming 
the mass of the settled population, and giving a tone to 



238 WEALTH OF THE PIONEERS. 

the institutions of the country; and at each remove, a 
few are left behind, who cling permanently to the soil, 
and bequeath their landed possessions to their posterity. 
The pioneers brought little other property, than such 
as they could pack upon the backs of horses. A few 
implements of husbandry, and such cooking utensils as 
were indispensable; the rifle, the axe, and a few me- 
chanics' tools ; with some horses, cattle, and hogs, con- 
stituted the wealth of the emigrant. Their first abode, as 
we have already stated, was in camps and stations; but 
their permanent habitation was the primitive log cabin, 
still so common throughout the whole western country; 
and those who have never witnessed the erection of such 
buildings, would be surprised to behold the simplicity of 
their mechanism, and the rapidity with which they are 
put together. The axe and the augur, are often the only 
tools used in their construction ; but usually the frow, the 
drawing-knife, the broad-axe, and the cross-cut saw, are 
added. The architecture of the body of the house, is 
sufficiently obvious; but it is curious to notice the in- 
genuity with which the wooden fire-place and chimney are 
protected from the action of the fire by a lining of clay; 
to see a smooth floor formed of the plain surfaces of 
hewed logs, and a door made of boards split from the 
log, hastily smoothed with the drawing-knife, united firmly 
together with wooden pins, hung upon wooden hinges, and 
fastened with a wooden latch. Not a nail, nor any par- 
ticle of metal, enters into the composition of the building 
— all is wood from top to bottom; all is done by the 
woodsman, without the aid of any mechanic. These 
primitive dwellings are by no means so wretched as their 
name and their rude workmanship would seem to imply. 
They still constitute the usual dwelling of the farmers in 
new settlements; and I have often found them roomy, 



ACTORS OF ALL WORK. 239 

tight, and comfortable. If one cabin is not sufficient, 
another, and another, is added, until the whole family is 
accommodated; and thus the homestead of a respectable 
farmer often resembles a little village. 

The dexterity of the backwoodsman in the use of the 
axe, is also remarkable; yet it ceases to be so regarded, 
when we reflect on the variety of uses to which this im- 
plement is applied, and that it in fact enters into almost 
all the occupations of the pioneer. In clearing lands, 
building houses, making fences, providing fuel, the axe 
is used; in tilling his fields, the farmer is continually in- 
terrupted to cut away the trees that have fallen in his 
enclosures, and the roots that impede his plough; the 
path of the surveyor is cleared by the axe, and his lines 
and corners marked by this implement; roads are opened 
and bridges made with the axe; the first court-houses and 
jails, are fashioned of logs, with the same tool; in labor 
or hunting, in travelling by land or water, the axe is ever 
the companion of the backwoodsman. 

With the first emigration, there are no mechanics; and 
for many years after, but few are found in the new settle- 
ments. The farmer, therefore, makes almost every thing 
that he uses. Besides clearing land, building houses, and 
making fences, he stocks his own plough, mends his 
wagon, makes his ox-yokes and harness, and learns to 
supply nearly all his wants from the forest. The tables, 
bedsteads, and seats in his house, are of his own rude 
workmanship. At first, the dressed skins of wild animals 
furnish the materials for making moccasons; but the 
farmers soon begin to tan their own leather and make their 
own shoes; and there are thousands scattered over the 
west, who continue, to this day, to make all the shoes 
that are worn in their families. They universally raise 
cotton, and often cultivate, also, hemp and flax; the spin- 



240 LIFE IN THE BACKWOODS. 

ning-wheel and the loom, are common articles of furniture; 
and the whole farming and hunting population are clad 
in fabrics of household manufacture. The traveler, ac- 
customed to different modes of life, is struck with the 
crude and uncomfortable appearance of every thing about 
this people — the rudeness of their habitations, the care- 
lessness of their agriculture, the unsightly coarseness of 
all their implements and furniture, the unambitious home- 
liness of all their goods and chattels, except the axe, the 
rifle, and the horse — these being invariably the best and 
handsomest which their means enable them to procure. 
But he is mistaken in supposing them to be indolent and 
improvident ; and is little aware how much ingenuity and 
toil have been exerted in procuring the few comforts which 
they possess, in a country without arts, mechanics, money, 
or commercial intercourse. 

The backwoodsman has many substantial enjoyments. 
After the fatigue of his journey, and a short season of 
privation and danger, he finds himself surrounded with 
plenty. His cattle, hogs, and poultry, supply his table 
with meat; the forest abounds in game; the fertile soil 
yields abundant crops; he has, of course, bread, milk, and 
butter; the rivers furnish fish, and the woods honey. 
For these various articles, there is, at first, no market, 
and the farmer acquires the generous habit of spreading 
them profusely on his table, and giving them freely to a 
hungry traveler and an indigent neighbor. 

Hospitality and kindness are among the virtues of the 
first settlers. Exposed to common dangers and toils, they 
become united by the closest ties of social intercourse. 
Accustomed to arm in each other's defence, to aid in each 
other's labor, to assist in the affectionate duty of nursing 
the sick, and the mournful office of burying the dead, the 
best affections of the heart are kept in constant exercise; 



FINE SOCIAL FEELINGS. 241 

and there is, perhaps, no class of men in our country, 
who obey the calls of friendship, or the claims of benev- 
olence, with such cheerful promptness, or with so liberal 
a sacrifice of personal convenience. 

My lamented friend, the late Gov. Morehead, of Ken- 
tucky, related in a public address, the characteristic inci- 
dent, of a woman, who, on witnessing the death of a young 
man, who died quietly in his bed, declared that it was "a 
beautiful sight." It was probably the first natural death 
that had occurred among the early settlers, who, dwelling 
amid scenes of violence and bloodshed, were accustomed 
to see the strong cord of healthy life suddenly broken, 
and to witness the terror, and anguish, and excitement, 
attending the last moments of a murdered man. The 
stout warrior struggling with death, the bereaved wife, the 
terror-stricken children, — the sobs of friends, mingled 
with imprecations of vengeance, were familiar scenes. How 
different the end of this favored youth, whose attenu- 
ated thread of existence was gently parted, and who, pre- 
pared by a kind Providence, welcomed death as a happy 
change! 

We read marvelous stories of the ferocity of western 
men. The name of Kentuckian is continually associated 
with the id^a of fighting, dirking, and gouging. The 
people of whom we are now writing, do not deserve this 
character. They live together in great harmony, with 
little contention, and less litigation. The backwoodsmen 
are a generous and placable race. They are bold and 
impetuous; and when differences do arise among them, 
they are more apt to give vent to their resentment at 
once, than to brood over their wrongs, or to seek legal 
redress. But this conduct is productive of harmony; for 
men are always more guarded in their deportment to each 
other, and more cautious of giving offence, when they 
21 



242 INTRODUCTION OF STEAMBOATS. 

know that the insult will be quickly felt, and instantly- 
resented, than when the consequences of an offensive ac- 
tion are doubtful, and the retaliation distant. We have 
no evidence that the pioneers of Kentucky were quar- 
relsome or cruel ; and an intimate acquaintance with the 
same race, at a later period, has led the writer to the 
conclusion, that they are a humane people; bold and 
daring when opposed to an enemy, but amiable in their 
intercourse with each other and with strangers, and ha- 
bitually inclined to peace. Another generation has grown 
up, the sons of the pioneers, and the offspring of persons 
of wealth, many of whom have been suffered to reach the 
years of manhood with defective educations, and without 
having been trained to any regular employment, and 
among whom, as might be expected, are found idle, dis- 
sipated, and violent men — the gambler, the bully, and 
the duelist. The want of schools, the ease with which 
a livelihood was earned, and the rapidity with which 
fortunes were made some years ago, induced a degree of 
improvidence in the rearing of youth ; and the number 
of those who grew up without any regular training, or 
any settled purpose, was greater than is common in other 
parts of our continent. The effect upon the manners of 
the population, is too obvious to need explication. But 
the character for brutal violence and audacious blasphemy, 
has been affixed to the people of this region, chiefly 
through the means of the boatmen and desperadoes, who 
formerly infested our rivers, and kept the inhabitants of 
their shores in constant terror. 

Before the introduction of steamboats upon this river, 
its immense commerce was chiefly carried on by means of 
keel-boats, or of barges — large boats, calculated to descend 
as well as to ascend the stream, and which required many 
hands to navigate them. Each barge carried from thirty 



EFFECT ON PUBLIC MANNERS. 243 

to forty boatmen, and a numher of these boats frequently 
sailed in company. The arrival of such a squadron at a 
small town, was the certain forerunner of a riot. The 
boatmen, proverbially lawless and dissolute, were often 
more numerous than the citizens, and indulged, without 
restraint, in every species of debauchery, outrage, and 
mischief. Wherever vice exists, will be found many to 
abet and to take advantage of its excesses; and these 
towns were filled with the wretched ministers of crime. 
Sometimes, the citizens, roused to indignation, attempted 
to enforce the laws; but the attempt was regarded as a 
declaration of war, which arrayed the offenders and their 
allies in hostility; the inhabitants were obliged to unite 
in the defence of each other; and the contest usually ter- 
minated in the success of that party which had least to 
lose, and were most prodigal of life and careless of con- 
sequences. The rapid emigration to this country was 
beginning to afford these towns such an increase of popu- 
lation as would have insured their ascendancy over the 
despots of the river, when the introduction of steamboats 
at once effected a revolution. 

The substitution of machinery for manual labor, occa- 
sioned a vast diminution in the number of men required 
for the river navigation. A steamboat, with the same 
crew as a barge, will carry ten times the burthen, and 
perform her voyage in a fifth part of the time required 
by the latter. The bargemen infested the whole country, 
by stopping frequently, and often spending their nights 
on shore; while the steamboats pass rapidly from one 
large port to another, making no halt, except to receive 
or discharge merchandise at intermediate places. The 
commanders of steamboats are men of character; property 
to an immense amount is entrusted to their care ; their 
responsibility is great; and they are careful of their own 



244 BOATMEN NOW A PEACEABLE CLASS. 

deportment, and of the conduct of those under their con- 
trol. The number of boatmen, therefore, is not only 
greatly reduced, in proportion to the amount of trade, but 
a sort of discipline is maintained among them, while the 
increase of population has enabled the towns to enforce 
the regulations of their police. 



THE SCOTCH-IRISH. 245 



CHAPTER XVII. 

Character of the Pioneers — The Scotch-Irish. 

There was another class of settlers, who followed close 
upon the footsteps of the pioneers, and who deserve to be 
described separately, as they form an exception from the 
homogeneous mass of southern population already de- 
scribed, with whom, however, they became kindly and 
intimately blended, and upon whose character they made 
an important impression. I am indebted for the brief 
account I shall give of them, to a valuable work* by 
the Rev. Robert Davidson, D. D., of Kentucky, published 
since the first edition of these sketches. 

Upon the subjugation of the northern part of Ireland 
by the English, in the reign of James I., the province of 
Ulster was settled by colonies from Great Britain, to whom 
liberal grants of land were given. "Owing to the vicinity 
and superior enterprise of the people of Scotland, the 
principal part of the settlers came from that country ; 
which circumstance afterwards gave rise to the appellation 
of Scotch-Irish, denoting, not the intermarriage of two 
races, but the peopling of one country by the natives of 
another." Reared in the Kirk of Scotland, these people 
brought with them the fervent piety, the pure morals, and 

* History of the Presbyterian Church in the State of Kentucky. 



246 EMIGRATION TO PENNSYLVANIA. 

the inflexible devotion to their own form of belief, which 
is characteristic of that church. They could not exist 
without the ordinances of public worship, and while the 
English clergy held the benefices, the Presbyterian min- 
isters from Scotland came over and built up churches, 
after their own model. This state of things was, for a 
while, wisely tolerated ; but afterwards, under the auspices 
of Wentworth and Laud, a fierce persecution was stirred 
up against the non-conformists of Ulster, who, after years 
of suffering, began to look to America, as an asylum from 
oppression. On the 9th of September, 1636, one hundred 
and forty of them embarked for New England, on board a 
ship they had built and called the Eagle Wing; but being 
driven back by contrary winds, they landed in the western 
part of Scotland, where they were joined by many others, 
fugitives also from the strong hand of oppression, and 
the enterprise was for the time abandoned. Had it been 
prosecuted, says our authority, "the Eagle Wing might 
have attained as enviable a celebrity in the annals of 
American colonization as the more fortunate May Flower." 
From that time, with some few brief seasons of repose, 
the Scotch Presbyterians were continually harassed by 
the intolerance of the English Church and government, 
but their numbers increased in Ulster. At length, the 
fines, imprisonments, and whippings became so intolerable 
in 1679, 1682, and 1685, that crowds of exiles fled from 
oppression to East New Jersey, Carolina, and Maryland. 
A considerable portion of this emigration was from the 
north of Ireland, and the Scotch-Irish continued to pour 
into Pennsylvania, in such numbers, that in 1705, the 
Presbyterian churches there were sufficiently numerous to 
form a Presbytery. A large portion of these settlers, seek- 
ing for new lands, or dreading, from the colonial authori- 
ties, persecutions like those they had fled from, passed 



COLONIZE THE VALLEY OP VIRGINIA. 247 

through the more populous parts of the country, and 
found homes in what were then the frontier counties. 
Receiving continually new accessions from abroad, the 
stream of emigration extended southward until it crossed 
the Potomac, and spread through the valley of Virginia, 
between the Blue Ridge and the Allegheny mountains. 

They found here rich valleys, clothed with verdant 
grasses and herbage, over which herds of buffalo and deer 
still grazed, and where game of various kinds abounded. 
These were favorite hunting grounds of the Indians, who 
came from the west, across the mountains, at certain 
seasons of the year, in search of game, and who were not 
disposed to submit tamely to the intrusion of the white 
men. None could live here but hardy men, who were 
willing to fight, and ready at all times to defend them- 
selves. And thus lived these sturdy Scotch-Irish emi- 
grants. They endured the privations, and learned the 
habits of the American backwoodsmen. Thoughtful and 
austere, industrious and conscientious, they found no 
pleasure in the licence of the hunter's life, which they 
pursued only so far as their necessities required, preferring 
the quiet labors of the farm. But they belonged to a 
brave, high-spirited race. Tall and athletic, temperate 
and inured to labor, they were a people of great muscular 
energy, who excelled in all such athletic exercises as 
they were induced to undertake, while their coolness and 
courage fitted them in an eminent degree for military 
services. They not only sustained themselves manfully 
in the wilderness, but became blended and assimilated 
with the mass of backwoodsmen which soon swept over 
the Alleghenies, and were distinguished for their heroism 
and their numerous adventures. Their adaptation for 
frontier life, was singularly and harmoniously combined 
with a love for peace, a high degree of mental culture, 



248 CHARACTER OF THE SCOTCH-IRISH. 

and an elevated standard of morals. The church and the 
school-house were among the earliest structures in every 
neighborhood. While yet there were no wagons, nor 
roads, nor saw-mills, buildings of solid stone were erected 
for public worship; and we are told of an instance in 
which the sand used in constructing a church was carried 
six miles, on the backs of horses, and what is worthy of 
notice, that "this part of the work was all done by the 
ladies of the congregation."* 

In Dr. Foote's Sketches of Yirginia, we find the follow- 
ing graphic passage, illustrative of the habits of this peo- 
ple : " From the time Mr. Cummings commenced preaching 
at Sinking Spring, up to about the year 1776, the men 
never went to church without being armed, and taking 
their families with them. On Sabbath morning, during 
this period, it was Mr. Cummings' custom, for he was 
always a very neat man in his dress, to dress himself, 
then put on his shot-pouch, shoulder his rifle, mount his 
dun horse, and ride off to church. There he met his gal- 
lant and intelligent congregation, each man with his rifle 
in his hand. When seated in the meeting-house, they 
presented altogether a most solemn and singular spectacle. 
Mr. Cummings' uniform habit, before entering the house, 
was to take a short walk alone, while the congregation 
were seating themselves; he would then return, at the 
door hold a few words of conversation with some one of 
the elders of the church, then would gravely walk through 
this crowd, mount the steps of the pulpit, deposit his rifle 
in a corner near him, lay off his shot-pouch, and commence 
the solemn worship of the day." 

Among their other sterling qualities, the Scotch-Irish 
were patriotic. They were staunch republicans, and not 

* Howe's History of Virginia. 



WHAT WASHINGTON THOUGHT. 249 

only the people, but their ministers, entered zealously into 
the cause in the American revolution; and it was of the 
population of which they formed the chief part, that 
Washington is reported to have said: "That should all 
his plans be crushed, and but a single standard be left 
him, he would plant that standard on the Blue Ridge, 
make the mountain hights his barrier, and rallying round 
him the noble patriots of the Valley, found, under better 
auspices, a new republic in the west/'* 

The Scotch-Irish, as we have said, were a tall and mus- 
cular race, well adapted by their physical qualities to be- 
come the pioneers of new settlements, and the founders 
of a new people. The whole population of the mountain 
and valley districts of Virginia were distinguished for 
their noble stature; and a remarkable illustration of this 
fact is recorded of one of the companies of volunteers 
from Augusta county, in the army of General Andrew 
Lewis, with which he fought the battle at Point Pleasant. 
At their departure from Staunton, the men of this com- 
pany were measured, and their stature respectively marked 
upon the wall of the bar-room of Sampson Mathews, 
where the record remained until the tavern was burnt 
about seventy years afterwards. None of them were less 
than six feet two inches high, except two little fellows who 
measured only six feet. 

Such were the people who formed one of the advanced 
columns in the great army of pioneers, that conquered 
and settled the west. The same spirit which led them to 
resist oppression in the land of their fathers, the same 
elevation of principle and steadiness of character which 
inspired them with courage to cling to their religion and 
their own form of faith, under every vicissitude, the same 

* Davidson's History, p. 21. 



250 THEIR DEVOTION AND PATRIOTISM. 

independence of thought and character, which has marked 
their whole history, made them ardent republicans, and 
intrepid soldiers. Wherever they pitched their tents in 
the wilderness, there they erected the altar to the living 
and true God, and made the forests vocal with their 
hymns of praise; there they clung to the soil with the 
tenacity of true patriotism, and were ready to fight for 
their country and their faith. They were not only wil- 
ling to die for the land of their adoption, but evinced, 
perhaps, a higher devotion in living for it. They brought 
with them a Christian spirit of love, which was exerted 
zealously and continuously in efforts to diffuse the gospel, 
and advance civilization. They cultivated the arts of 
peace. However simple in their habits, however abste- 
mious and even rude in their general appointments, they 
could not live without the means of education for their 
children, and carried the schoolmaster with them in all 
their migrations ; and that schoolmaster, the real old- 
fashioned domine, who believed in Solomon and the rod, 
and knew not, nor dreamed of, the modern heresy of 
"moral suasion." The pioneer teachers had cultivated 
learning in themselves, under difficulties, and had little 
idea of smoothing the way for others. 

The "classical school " was among their earliest institu- 
tions; and in rude log huts, were devoted men teaching 
not merely the primer, but expounding the Latin poets, 
and explaining to future lawyers and legislators and gene- 
rals, the severer truths of moral and mathematical science. 
Many a student, who was preparing himself for the bar or 
the pulpit, held up the lamp to younger aspirants for 
literary usefulness and honor, in these primitive haunts, 
while the wolf barked in the surrounding thickets, and 
the Indians were kept at bay by the stout-hearted sires 
of those who thus pursued knowledge under difficulties. 



EMIGRATION TO KENTUCKY. 251 

Quite a number of the men who became distinguished in 
after life, were prepared for college in such schools, and 
not a few who acted well their parts in conspicuous sta- 
tions, without betraying any deficiency of scholarship, 
drank at no fountain of learning of any higher name. 

When the explorations of Boone and others, to which 
we have alluded, were made known in Virginia, the 
whole population became highly excited by the florid de- 
scriptions of the delightful region of Kentucky; and par- 
ties of emigrants began to flock thither, especially from 
the frontier counties. Among the earliest adventurers, 
were many of the Presbyterians from the Valley. The 
first party of which we have any account, consisted of 
James, George, and Robert M'Afee, James M'Coun, se- 
nior, and Samuel Adams, who set out in May, 1773, and 
descended the Kenhawa and Ohio in boats. These were 
soon followed by others; and while all parts of Virginia 
were sending out emigrants to the West, a steady stream 
of hardy men from the Valley, flowed continually in the 
same direction, forming, it is true, a small minority of the 
mass, but constituting one of its most important elements. 
Their influence could not fail to be felt in the formation 
of the new society. Enterprising and brave as other men, 
they bore their full share in all the labors and perils of 
the pioneers, while by their example and exertions a high 
tone of morals was infused into the public mind. Sturdily 
and stoutly they wielded the axe and the sword ; and as 
stoutly and sturdily did they bear the Bible in their 
hands, and found the institutions of their new communi- 
ties upon its precepts. In Kentucky, as in Virginia, the 
schoolmaster was the humble companion and adjunct of 
the Presbyterian minister ; the meeting-house and the 
school-house grew up together; and the footprints of the 
receding Indian were scarcely effaced, before grammar, 



252 CHARACTER OF THEIR DESCENDANTS. 

and rhetoric, and the Westminster catechism, began to be 
taught. 

The Scotch-Irish element would hardly, at first sight, 
seem well adapted to mingle with the English cavalier 
blood of the Old Dominion. But never did two streams 
flow together more kindly. The lesser branch preserved 
its individuality of character as Presbyterians, planting 
their standard firmly, and winning converts by their 
Christian faithfulness and denominational tenacity. In 
all other respects, they became engrafted with the people, 
and entirely merged their nationality. We know of no 
other instance in the United States, in which a foreign 
population have, in so brief a period, become so com- 
pletely absorbed into the mass of the people, and in which 
the peculiarities of race have been so thoroughly effaced. 
In Pennsylvania, the descendants of the same race are 
still a marked people, distinguished by their thrift, their 
temperance, their quiet Scotch humor, and the rich brogue 
which survives the lapse of time and the changes of soil 
and climate; while, in Kentucky, the offspring of that race 
are Kentuckians, without any peculiarity of speech or 
manners. At the same time, they had too much charac- 
ter to become mingled with another people, without pro- 
ducing an impression; and there is little doubt, that in 
the Kentucky character, the Virginian element, which 
forms its basis, has been modified in some degree by this 
small but energetic addition. 



KENTUCKY. 253 



CHAPTER XVIII. 



Character of the Pioneers — Men of Education among them — The 
Kentuckians an enthusiastic, poetic, and eloquent people. 

At the close of the revolution, the State of Virginia 
rewarded her military officers by donations of land, in 
the then district of Kentucky. Many of these gentlemen, 
with others, who, at the close of the war, found them- 
selves without employment, emigrated to that country, 
carrying with them the courage, skill, and lofty notions 
incident to military command. They became the leaders 
in the Indian wars ; and as bravery is necessarily held 
in the highest estimation among people who are exposed 
to danger, they soon became the popular men of the 
country, and filled many of the civil offices. A number 
of these gentlemen had been active and distinguished 
soldiers, who had reaped the laurels of successful valor, 
and earned the gratitude of their country ; while they 
were, at the same time, men of education and refinement. 
They had all the high tone of Virginia feeling, together 
with the military pride and the knowledge of the world, 
acquired in several years of service. Seldom has a new 
community enjoyed the rare advantage of numbering 
among the founders of her institutions, men in whom 
were united such rare and happy endowments. They had 
the polish and elegance of gentlemen, with the muscular 



254 SETTLERS OF KENTUCKY. 

strength and courage of the backwoodsman. They were 
accustomed to war, and to the athletic exercises of the 
forest. They rode well, and wielded the rifle with fatal 
precision ; they were successful warriors and good hunt- 
ers ; yet they were well bred men, of easy manners, 
cultivated minds, liberal opinions, and unbounded hos- 
pitality. A fair proportion of them were persons of 
extensive property, or at least in easy circumstances, 
which placed them above selfish considerations, and ena- 
bled them to live up to the native liberality of the Vir- 
ginian character. The people and the institutions of the 
country imbibed their spirit. Brave and hardy the Ken- 
tuckians must have been, from their manner of life ; but 
we must attribute much of their hospitality, their polish, 
and their intelligence, to the gentlemen of Virginia, who 
came in early times to this State, bringing with them 
education, wealth, and talents, and whose character is now 
diffused over the whole West, and impressed on the in- 
stitutions of the newer States. 

.Another fact is true of Kentucky, which does not occur 
in the history of other Western States, or of new coun- 
tries in general. This district, when first settled, formed 
a part of the territory of Virginia, lying in actual contact 
with the mother state ; and its settlement was considered 
rather an expansion of the Old Dominion, than as the 
formation of a new community. We do not discover, 
either in the traditions or the writings of these times, 
which have come down to us, that the settlers of Ken- 
tucky were called emigrants. The idea of expatriation did 
not connect itself with their change of residence ; they 
moved out to an unsettled part of their own State, consi- 
dered themselves as remaining in their native land, and 
transferred to the soil of Kentucky all the pride, the local 
attachment, the love of country, which we find so promi- 



THEIR PECULIAR CHARACTER. 255 

nent, so characteristic, so graceful in the Virginian cha- 
racter. They were still Virginians. 

The peculiarities of the society thus constituted, were 
but little adulterated by manners or institutions foreign 
from their own ; there was little emigration to Kentucky 
from any other States than Virginia and North Carolina 
— none from Europe, and scarcely any from the Eastern 
States. There was, therefore, a purely American popula- 
tion, whose institutions began to be organized at a period 
contemporaneous with the birth of our national inde- 
pendence, when the pride of newly gained freedom was 
glowing brightly, and patriotism was a new-born and 
highly cherished virtue. 

When all these facts are considered, in connection with 
the geographical position, the fertility, and the resources 
of the country, it is not difficult to understand the causes 
of those peculiarities of national character, which have 
always distinguished the Kentuckians, and which still 
point them out to the most casual observer, as a separate 
people. The first stock were hunters or military men — 
an athletic, vigorous race, with hardy frames, active minds, 
and bold spirits; and they lived for years surrounded by 
dangers which kept them continually alert, and drew them 
often into active military service. Obliged to think and 
act for themselves, they acquired independence of thought 
and habitual promptitude of demeanor. Separated from 
the parent State, and compelled to build up their own 
civil institutions, they canvassed freely every subject con- 
nected with their political rights and internal policy. 
They inherited the frankness and generosity of the 
southern character; and these traits were not deteriorated 
by their residence in a fertile country, surrounded with 
abundance. Courage would naturally be held in high 
estimation, by a people whose ancestors were brave and 



256 A ROMANTIC PEOPLE. 

continually engaged in warfare ; and we find, accordingly, 
that this virtue is still in great repute among the Ken- 
tuckians. They are daring, impetuous, and tenacious of 
their honor ; chivalrous, fond of adventure, courteous to 
females, and hospitable to the stranger. 

And is it not obvious, that the Kentuckians must be 
an enthusiastic, a poetic, and an eloquent race? That 
they are so in fact, we are all aware ; and it seems natural 
that such should be their character. The mercurial tem- 
perament of the southern constitution, has been preserved 
in them, and improved by the circumstances of their his- 
tory; to the high-toned feeling and hot blood of the south, 
there has been added a hardiness of frame and an energy 
of mind, naturally growing out of the incidents of border 
life. They live in a land of unrivaled beauty, where the 
bounties of Heaven have been poured out upon the earth 
in rich profusion — in a wide, a boundless country, filled 
with gigantic productions. The whole period of their 
history, is crowded with romantic adventure. From their 
cradles, they have been accustomed to listen to the wildest 
and most curious legends — to tales of such thrilling 
horror, as to curdle the blood of the hearer, while they 
awaken his incredulity. Their traditions are wonderfully 
rich, and full of the most absorbing interest. There is 
hardly a family which does not preserve the reminiscence 
of some mournful catastrophe, or cherish the recollection 
of a daring exploit. With such an origin, such scenes, 
and such recollections, they cannot be other than an 
original and highly romantic people. 



EARLY HISTORIANS. 257 



CHAPTEE XIX. 

Early Literature — Imlay's Kentucky. 

It is to be regretted that so few of the records of the 
early history of this interesting people have been pre- 
served; that it had not been more customary among 
them, to describe in writing, their first impressions of 
this beautiful country, and to narrate those singularly 
romantic personal adventures which now excite so much 
admiration. But the pioneers were not persons of literary 
habits, nor did the country, until lately, afford those 
facilities which are requisite to produce and nourish a 
native literature. Few of those who visited the western 
frontier at an early period, have described it as it then 
existed ; and although some of the first settlers, who saw 
the beautiful shores of the Ohio arrayed in their native 
magnificence, are still in existence, they must soon pass 
away, and carry with them the traditions which supply the 
place of history, in reference to that interesting period. 
Yet there were some writers, even then, whose works are 
now for the most part out of print, and only to be found 
in the cabinets of the very few gentlemen who take the 
pains to preserve those interesting relics of a past age. 
One of the best of these was Captain Imlay, a gentleman 
of respectable talents, who, from actual inspection, was 
enabled to furnish a variety of interesting details, re- 
specting the country, as it appeared when visited by him 
previous to the year 1793. 



258 captain imlay's work. 

This old book contains one of the earliest published 
accounts of the district of country which it professes to 
describe, and we were surprised to find with how much 
accuracy it depicts all the strong features of a region 
which was then but little known. The writer seems to 
have been intimately acquainted with Kentucky from 
personal observation, and to have written chiefly from 
the stores of his own experience. Like all others who 
visited the western forests while yet in their pristine 
luxuriance, while the native vegetation still flourished in 
wild and vigorous beauty, and the eye feasted on a pro- 
fusion of luxuriant verdure, he was delighted with these 
refreshing scenes, which he sometimes describes with all 
the animation of genuine feeling. The following passage 
shows the effect produced by this scenery on the mind 
of a sensible man — for Captain Imlay was certainly a 
sensible and very honest writer — and testifies that our 
own generation is not singular in its admiration of the 
splendors of the Great West. 

"The east side of the Ohio, for about ten or twenty 
miles below Wheeling, which is about one hundred below 
Pittsburgh, is generally well settled. There are few set- 
tlements on the opposite shore, until you come to the 
Muskingum, and the country now wears the face of a 
wilderness on both sides of the river, there being no 
habitations worth notice, except at the mouth of the 
Great Kenhaway, until we arrive at Limestone. * 

"Every thing here assumes a dignity and splendor I 
have never seen in any other part of the world. You 
ascend a considerable distance from the shore of the 
Ohio, and when you would suppose you had arrived at 
the summit of a mountain, you find yourself upon an 
extensive level. Here an eternal verdure reigns, and 

*Now Mavsville. 



THE BANKS OF THE OHIO. 259 

the brilliant sun of lat. 39, piercing through the azure 
heavens, produces, in this prolific soil, an early maturity, 
which is truly astonishing. Flowers, full and perfect as 
if they had been cultivated by the hand of a florist, with 
all their captivating odours, and with all the variegated 
charms which color and nature can produce, here, in the 
lap of elegance and beauty, decorate the smiling groves. 
Soft zephyrs gently breathe on sweets, and the inhaled 
air gives a voluptuous glow of health and vigor, that 
seems to ravish the intoxicated senses. The sweet song- 
sters of the forest appear to feel the influence of this 
genial clime, and, in more soft and modulated tones, 
warble their tender notes in unison with love and nature. 
Every thing here gives delight; and, in that mild efful- 
gence which beams around us, we feel a glow of gratitude 
for the elevation which our all bountiful Creator has 
bestowed upon us. Far from being disgusted with man 
or his depravity, we feel that dignity which nature be- 
stowed on us at the creation ; but which has been con- 
taminated by the base alloy of meanness, the concomitant 
of European education, &c. 

"From Limestone to Licking creek, the country is im- 
mensely rich, and covered with cane, rye grass, and the 
native clover. The cane is a reed which grows to a hight, 
frequently, of fifteen or sixteen feet, but more generally 
about ten or twelve, and is in thickness from the size of 
a goose quill, to that of two inches in diameter; some- 
times, yet seldom, it is larger. When it is slender, it 
never grows higher than from four to seven feet; it shoots 
up in one summer, but produces no seeds until the follow- 
ing year. It is an evergreen, and is, perhaps, the most 
nourishing food for cattle upon earth. No other milk or 
butter has such flavor and richness as that which is pro- 
duced from cows which feed upon cane. Horses which 



260 imlay's idea op new states. 

feed upon it, work nearly as well as if they were fed upon 
corn, provided care is taken to give them, once in three 
or four days, a handful of salt," &c. 

It is exceedingly interesting to contrast the anticipations 
which were indulged forty years ago, in relation to the 
then approaching political character of this country, with 
the results that have been produced within that period. 
After predicting the formation of several new States south 
of Kentucky, the author proceeds to speak of the proba- 
ble divisions of the country north-west of the Ohio. He 



"That ridge of hills which divides the waters of this 
river from that of the lakes running south-westwardly, 
until they run north-westwardly and divide the sources of 
the Wabash and Illinois rivers from the southern branches 
of the lakes, will be most likely to mark the limits to the 
west of the upper State upon the western side of the Ohio. 
The ridge of hills which divides the waters of the Alle- 
gheny river from those of the Genesee, will bound it on 
the north; the Allegeny river and the Ohio to the east; 
and the Muskingum to the south. The next State I 
should form between the Muskingum and Scioto, the 
Ohio, and that ridge of hills between the sources of these 
rivers and those of lake Erie. The third, between the 
Scioto, the Great Miami, the Ohio, and the same ridge of 
hills. The country lying between the Mississippi, Ohio, 
Wabash, and the same hills, I would put into another 
State; and the country lying between the Wabash, Ohio, 
Mississippi, and Illinois rivers, I would establish into a 
fifth State. 

"Between the mouth of the Illinois river and the waters 
of lake Michigan, lies a district of country equally fertile 
with any part of the western country ; but in the progres- 
sion of our settlements, it will be some years before any 



GAME IN HIS TIME. 261 

settlement can be formed there, except in the fork of 
the Mississippi and Illinois, which may be erected into 
a State, by running a line from St. Anthony's Falls, in 
such a direction as to strike the head branches of the 
Illinois." 

These paragraphs are entertaining, as they show the 
notions of an intelligent man who wrote forty years ago, 
and who doubtless expresses the opinions of others, as well 
as his own. 

The writer's remarks on the productions of the country 
are accurate, and would be nearly true even now. 

Of the wild animals and game of the country, he 
says : — 

" The buffalo are mostly driven out of Kentucky. Some 
are still found on the head waters of Licking creek, Great 
Sandy, and the head waters of Green river. Deer abound 
in the extensive forests; but the elk confines itself mostly 
to the hilly and uninhabited places. 

"The rapidity of the settlement has driven the wild 
turkey quite out of the middle counties; but they are 
found in large flocks in all our extensive woods. 

"Amidst the mountains and broken country are great 
numbers of the grouse I have described; and since the 
settlement has been established, the quail, following the 
trail of the grain which is necessarily scattered through 
the wilderness, has migrated from the old settlements on 
the other side of the mountain, and has become a constant 
resident with us. This bird was unknown here on the first 
peopling of the country." 

It may not be uninteresting to our readers to notice 
the anticipations which were current forty years ago, in 
reference to the production of some of the necessaries of 
life, as, for instance, the article of sugar. The writer re- 
marks : — 



262 THE SUGAR MAPLE TREE. 

"The extensive climate of this country I believe is no 
■where warm enough for the cultivation of the sugar cane 
with success ; and to import it would be too expensive by 
reason of its great weight ; but nature has superseded that 
necessity in the supply of the sugar maple tree. It has 
long been known that sugar could be made from the juice 
of this tree; but from the imperfect knowledge of the 
business of sugar making, the samples from this liquid 
were such as promised no great expectations in future ex- 
periments: however, the necessity the people were under 
of making them, or doing without sugar, proved that with 
care and proper management, it could be made equal to 
the finest sugars of the West Indies or Brazil. Some 
samples shown to a sugar refiner in Philadelphia (which 
astonished him), produced several instructions in the art, 
which occasioned immediate success. 

"The people began to treat sugar trees more tenderly: 
and instead of chopping a large gap in their trunk, which 
had always been the practice, and which was sufficient to 
destroy a less tender tree, the juice was found to ooze as 
effectually from an incision made with a screw auger of 
three fourths of an inch in diameter. But this was the 
smallest of the improvement. All the means made use of 
in the West Indies for the perfection of the art, were soon 
ascertained and practiced; so that the country is not only 
equal to supply itself with sugar, but might, with increase 
of hands, supply the inhabitants of the globe. 

"The sugar maple tree not only grows in the greatest 
abundance throughout this country, within limits I have 
mentioned, but it is known to be the hardiest, and the 
most difficult to destroy, of all the trees in our forests, the 
beech not excepted, by the planters, who have a method 
of chopping or girding the trunks of trees about one foot 
and a half above the ground, in order to kill them, &c. 



COAL, LIMESTONE, CLAY, ETC. 263 

" It is known that old trees produce the most and the 
richest juice; and it is also known that trees which have 
been used for years are better than fresh trees. It is a 
common remark, that whenever you see a black tree of 
this sort, it is a sure sign it is a rich one. The blackness 
proceeds from incisions made in the bark by the pecking of 
the parroquet and other birds, in the season of the juice 
rising, which, oozing out, dribbles down its sides and stains 
the bark, which in the progression of time becomes black. 

"I have mentioned these particulars with a view to 
prevent your falling into the general error, that the re- 
source of making sugar from the maple will soon be 
destroyed from the very nature of producing it; believing, 
as many do, that it is impossible for the tree to be able 
to bear the annual wounds which are necessary to be made 
in its trunk in order to draw off the juice, and that a few 
years must necessarily extirpate them. Now, so far from 
their being any danger of that, experience has shown that 
the longer they are used in a proper manner, the more 
plentiful and rich will be their juice, to a certain age, 
which will be in proportion to the life of those trees. No 
exact estimate can be made of that; but I conclude their 
decay is not earlier than that of other trees." 

The author proceeds to speak of the salt springs, beds 
of coal, limestone, clay for making brick, &c, in relation 
to all which essential articles, his account has been more 
than realized by subsequent experience. Few countries 
can boast such a remarkable variety and abundance of 
natural resources as this. 

The following observation is amusing enough : 

"When you arrive in Kentucky, you experience a 
milder temperature of air than in any country I have ever 
travelled in, Farenheit's thermometer seldom falling be- 
low 35 degrees in winter, nor rising above 80 in summer." 



264 THE CLIMATE IN IMLAY's TIME. 

Had the captain's lot been cast among us during the 
summer of 1834, he would have found the temperature 
rather above 80 degrees, and some of the recent winters 
would have taught him that the thermometer can some- 
times fall below 35. Can it be, that our seasons have 
changed so much, or has Imlay, with all his candor and 
accuracy, made so wide a mistake? According to him, 
the thermometer only ranges about 45 degrees, in this 
country, in the whole year; when in fact in the single 
month of August, 1834, the maximum heat was 99, and 
the minimum 51, showing a range of 48 degrees. 

There is no subject whatever, in relation to a new 
country, about which such gross mistakes and wild guesses 
are made, as that of climate. It is a matter upon which 
every one forms an opinion, and in reference to which, 
opinions are as numerous as the nature of the subject will 
admit. The reason is, that people judge of the weather 
from their own feelings, and decide not by the variations 
of the thermometer, but by the rise and fall of their own 
spirits, or the sufferings of their bodies from incidental 
exposure. In older countries, there are established facts 
which serve as standards for popular compassion ; tradition 
has handed down a series of circumstances which enable 
the most ignorant to compare one season with another, 
and which serve to correct the hasty judgment of the 
traveler, or the diseased imagination of the valetudinarian. 
There are actual experiments also, and scientific observa- 
tions, founded on principles which cannot deceive, and 
corrected from year to year. In a new country, also, 
people are more exposed to the changes and inclemencies 
of weather, than persons who are surrounded by the com- 
forts of life. A large portion are travelers, emigrants, 
or persons recently settled in frail habitations, which do 
not afford complete protection from the extremes of heat 



HOW OPINIONS OF CLIMATE ARE FORMED. 265 

or cold ; and all these being interested in every change of 
the atmosphere, feel and notice such vicissitudes. This 
is the true cause of the idle remarks which we so often 
hear about our western climate. Every traveler and emi- 
grant has a theory of his own. It is a common remark, 
that the changes of atmosphere are greater and more 
sudden here than at the east. The truth is, that persons 
residing in cities and well-built towns, pay little attention 
to the weather, because it interferes comparatively but 
little with their comfort, and not at all with their business. 
If it rains, the citizen unfurls his umbrella, and walks on 
a good pavement; if the sun shines intensely hot, he takes 
the shady side of the street; if it freezes, he closes his 
door, and increases his fire. The traveler feels the incon- 
venience of all these changes, and becomes a sensitive 
observer, and often an ill-natured critic in matters about 
which he had before scarcely ever thought; and the new 
settler, subjected to more exposure than he has ever been 
accustomed to, finds out capricious varieties and evil 
qualities in the climate, which exist only in his own 
diseased imagination. 



23 



266 ALEXANDER WILSON. 



CHAPTER XX. 



EARLY LITERATU R 



About the year 1806, the distinguished writer of the 
American Ornithology, Alexander Wilson, visited the 
West. Of humble birth, and with a defective education, 
he was an able and remarkable man. Bred a weaver, at 
Paisley, in Scotland, he became a philosopher and a 
naturalist of more than ordinary attainments and powers 
of argument, and a writer of great force, and sometimes 
great felicity and spirit. His descriptions of birds are 
written in a style far more attractive than that in which 
the details of natural science are usually conveyed ; they 
are minute and accurate, while they are glowing, spirited, 
and eloquent. He was not much known as a naturalist, 
if at all, before he came to America. It was here that 
he studied the great volume of nature, with a lover's de- 
votion, and composed that beautiful History of American 
Birds, which remains a lasting monument of his fame. 

In his favorite pursuit, the study of birds, he traveled 
over the United States. His plan was to seek the feath- 
ered inhabitants of the fields and forests, the mountains 
and marshes, in their chosen localities, to see them in 
their haunts and homes, to watch them in their daily 
pursuits, in their gambols and their loves, in the search 
of food, the care of their young, their migrations, — in all 
their lives and habits. In the course of his rambles, he 
sought the shores of the Ohio, and embarking at Pitts- 



fillson's life OF BOONE. 267 

burgh, alone, in a small skiff, he floated down the current 
of the Beautiful River. At night he slept at the solitary 
cabin of the settler, unless when a brilliant moon allowed 
him to continue his voyage, listening to the song of the 
mocking bird, or the hooting of the owl. All the day, 
as he glided along, his eye sought the plumage of the 
bird, his ear listened for the song and the flapping of 
the wing ; often he landed on the wooded shore, to pursue 
his favorites as they flew from tree to tree, or to sit for 
hours taking notes of their appearance and conduct. He 
left the river at Limestone, now Maysville, and journeyed 
on foot to Lexington and Frankfort, and thence south to 
Tennessee. An account of his travels was published in 
numbers, in the "Port Folio," a monthly periodical, printed 
at Philadelphia; and a poem of considerable length, and 
no small merit, which appeared in the same work, was 
also descriptive of his wandering through the forest. 

A Life of Daniel Boone, written by Fillson, from the 
dictation of Boone, is a capital relic of our early litera- 
ture ; but it has been quoted from so liberally by other 
biographers, that nothing is left to be gleaned from it. 

We shall notice two other productions, each of which 
is curious in its way. 

Recollections of Persons and Places in the West. By H. M. 
Brackenridge, a native of the Ohio. 

Those who have lived long in the world, and have been 
attentive observers of the scenes which are passing around 
them, cannot fail to have remarked that the romance of 
real life often exceeds, in the novelty and unexpectedness 
of its incidents, the wildest of those creations of fancy 
which profess to be true to nature. We occasionally 
witness scenes, the recital of which by another, we should 
suppose to be exaggerated; as the ocean is continually 



268 brackenridge's recollections. 

heaving up from the treasures of her hidden caverns, those 
anomalous productions that lie concealed in her depths in 
rich exuberance, but which the eye of man has not seen 
before, so the turbulent waves of time often expose to 
view the singular events in human life, which exist in 
sufficient abundance, but usually float quietly along be- 
neath the surface of society, unmarked, except by the 
eye that penetrates into the arcana of human action, and 
searches out the secret springs of thought and motive. 
The pages of autobiography exhibit many of these curious 
specimens of singular adventure and original thought. 

The volume before us possesses this character in a 
high degree. The writer is a man of genius, with much 
strength of character, and a marked peculiarity of mind, 
which is not so discernible in his style, as in the views 
which he takes of life. He has seen more of life than 
most men, and has told more of his own experience than 
the pride of most men would permit them to divulge. 
His father, the author of " Modern Chivalry," was a dis- 
tinguished lawyer, and one of the judges of the Supreme 
Court of Pennsylvania. He was a man of genius and 
eccentricity, but who said of himself, that he was the 
only man of his own acquaintance who was not eccentric. 
A variety of singular stories, in relation to him, are pre- 
served in the traditions of western Pennsylvania, where 
he practiced law successfully for many years, and left 
behind him a reputation for shrewd common sense and 
caustic wit, by which he is better known in that region 
than by his writings. He was one of the choice speci- 
mens of scholastic learning so common in the past history 
of the bar, and of whom few, if any representatives, are 
to be found among the practitioners of the present day. 
Like the erudite domine of Scott, " he had a gigantic 
intellect, fit to grapple whole libraries," and he had grap- 



H. M. BRACKENRIDGE. 269 

pled them with such lusty courage, that he not only 
knew the ancient tongues familiarly, but was thoroughly 
imbued with the treasures of classical thought and im- 
agery, and had pored with intense application over all 
the dusty volumes of antiquity. 

With such a parent on the one side, Braokenridge 
describes himself as the offspring of indigence and ob- 
scurity on the other. He lost his mother in his infancy, 
and found himself at the date to which his earliest recol- 
lections extend, a neglected orphan, living under the 
charge of a cobbler's wife, and faring, he says, " as well 
as might be expected ; that is, I was half-starved, half- 
clad, and well scorched and meazled in the hot ashes and 
embers." He makes honorable mention of Joe, the cob- 
bler's lady's son, who, by his own showing, was a sad 
rogue. While he was yet a child, his father married, the 
boy was acknowledged, and might have tasted the sweets 
of protection and kindness, had not the whimsical idea 
presented itself to the learned parent, of sending him to 
the French villages on the Mississippi, for the purpose 
of learning to speak the French language vernacularly, 
by being reared up among the people of that nation. At 
seven years old he was placed under the charge of a 
French trader, and sent to Ste. Genevieve. This was in 
1793, and he speaks of seeing Wayne's army encamped at 
Hobson's Choice, now a part of the city of Cincinnati. 
The shores of the river Ohio were then, for the most part, 
unsettled. The little boat in which they were embarked, 
passed as silently as possible, keeping near the Kentucky 
side of the river, from apprehension of the Indians. 
"How deep a solitude at that day reigned along the 
beautiful banks of the Ohio. The passage to Louisville 
from Pittsburgh was dangerous, and frequent murders 
were committed by Indians on whole families descending 



270 FRENCH POLITENESS. 

the river, a danger which was not sufficient to repress 
emigration. 

From Louisville, they passed on five hundred miles 
farther, without any settlements, to the mouth of the 
Ohio, and thence proceeded to New Madrid, a small 
Spanish military post on the Mississippi. Here they 
were mounted on horses, and traveled through the wilder- 
ness ten days to Ste. Genevieve. The only French words 
he had picked up on his voyage, were oui and non ; and 
when the boys, whom curiosity drew around him, asked 
him questions, all his answers were drawn from this 
limited vocabulary. "Where have you come from?" in- 
quired the French boys. "Yes." "What is your name?" 
"No." The author makes the following comment on the 
conduct, so characteristic of the French. "To the honor 
of these boys be it spoken — or rather to the honor of 
their parents, who had taught them true politeness — in- 
stead of turning me into ridicule, as soon as they dis- 
covered I was a strange boy, they vied with each other in 
showing me every act of kindness." 

The author gives a graphic description of this ancient 
French village, the people, the balls, and particularly of 
M. Bauvais, at whose house he lived; a tall, dry, old 
French Canadian, dressed in the costume of the place, 
which was odd enough, but which is still in fashion in 
that pleasant region. " He was a man of a grave and 
serious aspect, entirely unlike the gay Frenchmen we are 
accustomed to see; and this seriousness was not a little 
hightened, by the fixed rigidity of the maxillary muscles, 
occasioned by having his pipe continually in his mouth, 
except while in bed, or at mass, or during meals." Ma- 
dame Bauvais was a large fat lady, with an open cheerful 
countenance, and a most excellent person. We have seen 
couples in the French villages who might have sat for 



HIS STAY AT STE. GENEVIEVE. 271 

their portraits — the wife laughing and growing fat, and 
the husband smoking tobacco and waxing lean; but both 
preserving the gayety and benevolence of the national 
character. 

He spent three years in happiness, such as readily 
flings its sunshine over the young heart which is tenderly 
cherished, and surrounded only by the gay and the ami- 
able. The object of his residence was attained— he could 
speak French, and had learned to be as polite as a French 
dancing-master; but another effect had been produced, 
which his father had not anticipated — he had forgotten 
his native tongue! He declared that he had forgotten it 
so entirely, as not to be able to speak a word of English; 
and how could it be otherwise, mingling only with those 
unsophisticated villagers, who were as ignorant of the 
English language, as some of our statesmen are of bank- 
ing, or as most of our geographers are of the topography 
of their own country. Mr. B. says of the French: 

"The time now approached when I was to take my de- 
parture from the place where I had passed nearly three 
happy infantile years ; my recollections of my father had 
more in them of terror than of love, and my affections, 
like the young tendrils of the vine, had fasiened on nearer 
objects, from which they could not be separated without 
being torn. The same gentleman who had before brought 
me here, came to take me away; and with many tears, I 
left the kind people to whom I owed so much. I owed 
them much for the care they had taken of my person, 
and still more for the pains with which they had preserved 
the health and purity of my mind. I left them with a 
heart innocent and virtuous, and with impressions which, 
if not indelible, were sufficient to carry me a long dis- 
tance through the temptations of vice and folly. I was 
taught to reverence my parents, to respect the aged, to be 



272 RETURNS TO PITTSBURGH. 

polite to my equals, and to speak the truth to every one. 
I was taught to restrain my temper, to practice self-denial, 
to be compassionate to man and beast, to receive without 
murmur or complaint what was provided for me, and to be 
thankful to God for every blessing." 

He was now to return to Pittsburgh — a voyage of fif- 
teen hundred miles — two hundred down the Mississippi, 
the remainder of the distance against the current of the 
Ohio. The boat in which he went was small, and laden 
with lead and peltries. On the way, they fell in with 
Power — the same person who figured in the annals of 
the West at that day, and who was employed by Spain to 
bring about a separation of the Western country from the 
rest of the Union. He was a remarkably handsome man, 
and a gentleman in his manners. He had a handkerchief 
full of dollars in his hand, which he allowed young Brack- 
enridge to amuse himself with, by jingling them on the 
rock : ours was then a hard money government. 

In ascending the Ohio, as the shores were uninhabited, 
and there were no boats going down, they often suffered 
for provisions. Except two log-cabins at the Red Banks, 
there was not a house from the mouth of the river to the 
Falls. They sometimes shot game, but often endured the 
most painful sensations of hunger. Young Brackenridge 
suffered most. He was a boy, and was treated no bet- 
ter than a menial. Bad usage and exposure to weather 
brought on an ague, and on their arrival at Galliopolis, 
he was so ill, as to be of necessity left there. Here he 
remained with the French, without money, unknown, and 
performing the lowest offices of a domestic, but treated 
kindly, until General Wilkinson came along, and took 
him in his barge to Pittsburgh. Here he was received 
with rapture by Joe, who hugged him ; but with great 
composure by his father, who, as his long-absent son en- 



A SINGULAR INCIDENT. 273 

tered, raised his spectacles, as lie accosted the trembling 
lad with "Well boy, can you read French?" 

The author was now set to learning his native tongue, 
then Latin and Greek, under the immediate superintend- 
ence of his father, who seemed determined to make him a 
great man, by dint of hard study. He was overtasked, 
surcharged, and surfeited with classical knowledge, con- 
fined, and driven to study, until the process became 
painful and laborious. This part of the volume is curious 
and instructive. It presents us with a minute account of 
the education of a lad of genius, under the direction of a 
father whose own stores of acquired knowledge were great, 
and gives an impressive example of a most defective edu- 
cation. Between his father, who was never wearied of 
heaping tasks upon him, and "Joe," who would fain have 
allured him to the haunts of youthful dissipation, he was 
in a fair way to be spoiled. 

A singular incident occurred on Mr. Brackenridge's 
return from Louisiana, in relation to a lady who had 
treated him kindly while he lived with the cobbler's wife, 
which he thus relates : 

"The reader will expect to hear something of my kind 
benefactress, who had been so much afflicted by my de- 
parture for Louisiana. Joe carried me to see her, on the 
evening of my return from that eventful peregrination, 
and the joy which she manifested, and the caresses with 
which she overwhelmed me, can be better imagined than 
described. She placed in my arms her infant daughter, 
her first and last-born child, and caused my face to be 
suffused with blushes, by telling me that the innocent 
babe was to be my wife ; and yet this wish, formed by her 
perhaps at the moment of the birth of her daughter, has 
actually been realized — she is my wife, and the mother of 
my children?" 



274 EARLY LITERATURE. 

We have not room to follow the author to Jefferson 
College; nor to dwell on his course of law studies; nor to 
accompany him to Baltimore, where he attempted to com- 
mence the practice; nor to travel back with him to the 
"West, when, disgusted with his ill success, he left the city. 
We shall only add, that the author has, in this volume, 
brought his biography down to his twenty-fifth year, and 
that it is filled with anecdotes of persons and places. The 
author's reminiscences of Fort Pitt and its inhabitants 
are exceedingly interesting. He promises to continue his 
work. The most important scenes of his life remain to 
be described. Since the period at which this volume 
leaves him, he has traveled though Upper Louisiana, and 
written a volume of "Views" of that region; he has been 
to South America on a diplomatic mission ; and has been a 
judge in Florida. We shall look with impatience for the 
remainder of this interesting work. 

Narrative of William Biggs, while he was a prisoner loith 
the Kichapoo Indians, then living opposite to the old 
Weawes town, on the west bank of the Wabash river. I 
ivas then living at Bellfontain, about forty miles north of 
Kashashia village, in the Illinois country, and about 
twenty miles South of Cahokia village. Printed for the 
Author. June, 1826. 

The above is the title of a pamphlet containing one of 
the most interesting sketches of personal adventure af- 
forded in all the 'annals of the truly romantic vicissitudes 
attendant upon the settlement of our country. We re- 
member to have seen the author, a venerable farmer, in 
easy circumstances, holding a respectable civil office in 
the State of Illinois, upon the same spot where he had 
endured the perils incident to the life of the pioneer. 
He was one of the many who, after years of perilous 



NARRATIVE OF WILLIAM BIGGS. 275 

exposure, in a savage wilderness, distant from other set- 
tlements of white men, lived to attain a patriarchal age, 
and fell " like a ripe sheaf full of years," having witnessed 
the accumulation of an industrious population around 
him, the introduction of the arts of peace, and the firm 
establishment of law and social order. What a rebuke 
does such a picture- convey to those who are discontented 
with the lot in which Providence has placed them — espe- 
cially to those in our own flourishing country, who are 
not satisfied with its rapid advancement and happy con- 
dition, but murmur at the present state of society, and 
prophesy all manner of evil to the rising generation ! 
The pages of history, when calmly investigated, exhibit 
to the sober mind of benevolence no passage of such 
freshness and moral beauty, as that which discloses the 
origin and rapid growth of our Western States — none 
which the patriot may contemplate with such unalloyed 
pride, or the Christian study with emotions of purer 
approbation. We may here, without the aid of magic, 
the invention of poetry, or the assistance of artificial 
scenic mimicry, gaze at transformations more truly won- 
derful than any which natural causes could have been 
pre-supposed to be capable of producing. We are led by 
the gray-haired citizen, still in the vigor of a green old 
age, to the spot where his log hut once stood, in the silent 
forest — where the young mother guarded her offspring 
from violence with the art of the parent bird, and heard 
the distant warnings of danger with the vigilance of the 
startled deer — where the pestilence lurked in the heavy 
foliage — where the panther and the wolf roamed by 
night — and the Indian, maddened into a desperate cou- 
rage, by the complicated impulses of superstition, revenge, 
and patriotism, exerted all his dreadful energies in op- 
posing the advance of civilization. Such is the tale of 



276 HIS OWN BIOGRAPHER. 

the living witness : but we see no trace of its reality. 
The scene has shifted, and not a feature of its barbarism 
remains. A magnificent and brilliant exhibition is pre- 
sented, as if by the sudden rising of a curtain. The 
aged man with his weather-beaten features, his primitive 
manners, and his scars gained in battle, is still before us, 
but the buffalo has fled to distant plains, the savage man 
has retired, and around us are cities, commerce, and art, 
steamboats, railroads, colleges, and literature Y 

The participation of the western pioneers in the dangers 
of the Revolutionary War has never been sufficiently in- 
sisted on. During the whole of that turbulent period, 
they fought the common enemy with the most obstinate 
valor, keeping at bay the savages, who would otherwise 
have been poured into the heart of the colonies, and 
rendering services as efficient as any that were ever per- 
formed on any part of the continent. They fought with 
their own weapons and without pay, and not being en- 
rolled in the Continental service, have not been included 
among the revolutionary pensioners. 

The pamphlet before us has the merit of having been 
written by its putative author, who was not particularly 
well skilled in spelling or composition, and in conse- 
quence would be called, among us, an illiterate man, but 
a little further east, would be considered ignorant, under 
the decree of that public sentiment which comprehends 
the idea of knowledge with an expertness in penman- 
ship, and a ready use of the signs of the alphabet and 
the figures of arithmetic. It is an emanation from the 
"dark mass of mind" that within half a century has built 
up an empire in the West, has given rulers to the nation, 
and has been represented in the national legislature by 
an eloquence which stands unrivaled. 

It is also interesting, as it exhibits the savage cha- 



SETTLES AT BELLE FONTAIN. 277 

racter in a new aspect from that in which it has usually- 
been represented. We have seen only the darkest side 
of that picture. The fearful atrocities of the savage, his 
treachery, and his cunning, stand out in such bold relief, 
that the redeeming traits of his character are almost 
wholly unknown. We think of his savage thirst for 
blood, and shudder; we see him wielding the gory 
hatchet, and turn away from the contemplation of his 
moral nature, under the conviction that all his habits 
and passions are so depraved as to afford nothing that it 
would be pleasing to remark, or instructive to study. 
The narrative of Mr. Biggs places the Indian before us 
under more favorable circumstances, and shows that how- 
ever cruel he may be, when acting under the excitement 
that leads him to war or to plunder, he is at other times 
susceptible of cheerful and kind emotions, and not deaf 
to the claims of reason and humanity. 

In the year 1788, Mr. Biggs was one of a few Ameri- 
cans who had settled at Belle Fontain, in that part of 
Illinois which is now included in the county of Monroe, 
and about twenty miles below St. Louis. There were no 
other white settlements in Illinois, at that time, except 
those of the French, which were scattered from Kaskaskia 
to Cahokia, a distance of sixty miles. East of them were 
the French post at Vincennes, and a settlement at the 
Falls of Ohio. The intermediate region was a wilderness. 
In that year, he was taken prisoner by a party of Kicka- 
poos from the Wabash, while riding not far from home, 
and carried off. One of the party attempted to kill him, 
but the others interfered, and with some difficulty pro- 
tected his life, having announced their determination to 
carry him home, and adopt him into their tribe; not- 
withstanding which, the malignant savage endeavored, 
by stealth, more than once, during the first day's march 



278 BIGGS A PRISONER. 

to strike him a fatal blow. At length the party halted 
to eat a hasty meal, and Mr. Biggs thus proceeds: 

" Whilst the meat was cooking, the Indians held a council what 
they would do with the Indian that wanted to kill me — he was a 
young fellow about nineteen years of age, and of a different nation, 
being a Pottowatema. They did not want him to go to war with 
them — they said he was a great coward, and would not go into 
danger, till there was no risk to run, then he would run forward 
and get the best of the plunder, and that he would not be com- 
manded — he would do as he pleased — he was very selfish and 
stubborn — and was determined to kill me if he could get a chance. 
They determined in their council to kill him. It is a law with the 
Indians when they go to war, if an Indian will not obey the 
councils and commands of his captain, or chief, to kill him. When 
their meat was cooked they eat very hearty, and when they were 
done eating, three of the Indians got up, and put on their budgets 
and started; this young Indian was one of them. I also got up to 
show a willingness to be ready ; the old chief told me to sit down, 
and the three Indians started off. In three or four minutes after, 
we started, but varied a little in our course. We had not traveled 
more than one hundred yards when we heard the report of a gun — 
the old chief then told me that they had killed the Indian that 
wanted to kill me." 

The following scene displays a specimen of the shrewd- 
ness and presence of mind with which our pioneers con- 
ducted themselves when prisoners. One of the Indians 
put some questions to Mr. Biggs, who pretended igno- 
rance of their language, to induce them to speak freely 
in his presence: 

" He first asked me in Indian if I was a Mattocush, that is, a 
Frenchman ; I told him no. He asked me if I was a Sagenash, an 
Englishman ; I told him no. He again asked me if I was a She- 
molsea, that is, a long knife, or a Virginian ; I told him no. He 
then asked me if I was a Bostonely, an Eastern American; I told 
him no. A moment afterward he asked me the same questions 
over again, I then answered him yes ; he then spoke English, and 



IS MADE A KICKAPOO. 279 

catched up his knife in his hand, and said, < You are one dam 
rascal.' I really thought he intended stabbing me with his knife. 
I knew it would not do to show cowardice, I being pretty well 
acquainted with their manner and ways. I then jumped upon 
my feet, and spoke in Indian, and said, Manetwa kien depaway. 
In English it is, no, I am very good ; and clapped my hand on my 
breast when I spoke, and looked very bold; the other Indians all 
set up such a ha! ha! and laugh, that it made the other Indian 
look very foolish." 

Our limits will not allow us to accompany Mr. Biggs 
in his inarch of ten days from the shores of the Missis- 
sippi to those of the "Wabash. With the exception of 
being securely tied, to prevent his escape, he was kindly 
treated, and became as well reconciled to his fate as was 
possible. On their arrival in the vicinity of their own 
village, the warriors halted, dressed and painted them- 
selves with much care, and prepared to make a formal 
entry into town. The prisoner was also required to make 
his toilet, and after being painted according to the most 
approved mode then prevailing in the fashionable In- 
dian circles, was pronounced to be a Kickapoo. A pole, 
stripped of its bark, and painted, was planted in the 
ground, having a conjuring bag suspended from it, in 
which was contained a lock of the prisoner's hair. When 
these arrangements, which had been conducted in the 
most silent manner, so as not to be noticed from the 
village, were all completed, the leader gave three loud 
shouts; the signal by which the successful return of the 
party was announced to their friends — and the warriors, 
with their prisoner, began to sing and dance round the 
war-pole. The old men, the squaws, and the boys of the 
village, were soon collected around them, the more digni- 
fied warriors remaining at the council house to receive 
their friends with due solemnity. The warriors being 



280 FLIRTING UNDER DIFFICULTIES. 

now greased, painted, and feathered, in all the pomp of 
military array, could no longer condescend to carry their 
own baggage, which was handed over to the squaws, and 
the heroes moved on, not marching, but dancing into the 
village, through which they passed to the war-post, which 
stood on the banks of the Wabash. They danced round 
the post for about twenty minutes, and then up again, as 
a dancing master would say, into the village, where they 
cast off, and repaired to the houses of their friends, who 
had hastily prepared a feast for their entertainment. 

At sunset of the same day, the dance was resumed at 
the war-post. Here they were joined by two warriors and 
a squaw on horse-back, and after a long consultation, 
the prisoner was told that he must go "with them two 
Indians and squaw." To this he consented with great 
reluctance, but was forced to submit, and being mounted 
behind his new master, Mr. Biggs says, "they started off 
very lively, and the Indian that I was riding behind, be- 
gan to plague and joke the squaw about me: she was his 
sister-in-law. He was an Indian that was full of life, and 
very funny ; when I got acquainted with him, I was well 
pleased with him." 

Arrived at their place of destination, the prisoner was 
given to an old Kickapoo chief, who was "the father of 
the squaw, and father-in-law of the funny Indian." In 
this family he was treated with great kindness, particu- 
larly by the young squaw, before mentioned, and another 
lady of the household, who was a widow. The former 
took a fancy to him and was not slow in betraying her 
partiality. "She took two very good combs, a coarse and 
fine one," and "very tenderly" as the writer assures us, 
combed out his hair, which it was then the fashion to 
wear long, and which had become tangled and matted by 
long exposure to the weather; nay more, she continued 



HIS NEW DRESS. 281 

combing it for nearly an hour. "She then went to a 
trunk and got a ribband, and queued my hair very nicely; 
the old chief's son then gave me a very good regimental 
blue cloth coat, faced with yellow buff-colored cloth; the 
son-in-law gave me a very good beaver Mackerony hat, 
these they had taken from officers they had killed; then 
the widow squaw took me into her cabin and gave me a 
new ruffled shirt and very good blanket. They told me to 
put them on, I did so; when I had got my fine dress on, 
the funny Indian told me to walk across the floor, I knew 
they wanted to have a little fun ! I put my arms a-kimbo 
on my hips, and walked with a proud air, three or four 
times backwards and forwards across the floor ; the funny 
Indian said I was a very handsome man and a big captain." 

Such are the conduct and the amusements of these 
untutored savages, who, having no mental culture, no 
moral code, nor regular employment, and leading a pre- 
carious life of alternate want and abundance, are as 
remarkable for their whimsical deportment on some oc- 
casions, as for their sternness of purpose on others, en- 
gaging with equal facility in an unlicensed plunder, in 
unsparing carnage, in/ brutal debauchery, or in childish 
merriment, and passing from the utmost point of cruelty 
and treachery, to the opposite extremes of good faith, 
kindness, and hospitality. 

The humane captors of our author carried their con- 
siderate civility so far as to offer him a wife, a proposal 
which he was prudent enough to decline, in consequence 
of having one already, and being not inclined to become 
entangled by foreign alliances. The lady — the same who 
has been already alluded to — did not conceal her par- 
tiality. When the Indians were about to take their 
prisoner to another village "she came up and stood at 
the door — she would not e;o in. I discovered the Indians 
24 



282 PERSEVERANCE UNREWARDED. 

laughing and plaguing her — she looked in a very ill 
humor ; she did not want them to take me away. They 
immediately started from the cabin, and took a tolerably 
large path that led into the woods, in a pretty smart trot; 
the squaw started immediately after them ; they would 
look back once in a while, and when they would see the 
squaw coming, they would whoop, hollow, and laugh. 
When they got out of sight of the squaw, they stopped 
running and traveled in a moderate walk. When we got 
about three miles from the town, they stopped where a 
large tree had fallen by the path, and laid high off of the 
ground; they got up high on the log and looked back to 
see if the squaw was coming ; when the squaw came up she 
stopped, and they began to plague her and laugh at her; 
they spoke English. They talked very provoking to the 
squaw; she soon began to cry." 

Whether it was leap year, or whether the Indian 
females consider marriage a business transaction, not 
requiring the same delicate observances which our own 
ladies practice, we are not told. The daughter of the 
chief seems to have thought no ceremony necessary on 
this occasion, except the ceremony of marriage; but the 
young American remained inexorable. On arriving at 
their place of destination that evening, he found her again 
posted at the door of the cabin at which he lodged, and 
her Indian friends making themselves merry at her con- 
stancy and want of success. The incorrigible white man, 
when reminded by his companions that he would be ac- 
cepted if he chose to offer himself, parried the proposal 
by replying, "I reckon not." He adds, "she staid two 
days and three nights before she returned home; I never 
spoke a word to her while she was there. She was a very 
handsome girl, about eighteen years of age, a beautiful 
full figure, and handsomely featured, and very white for 
a squaw." 



USEFUL LITERATURE. 283 

It has been asserted that nothing is so uncertain as the 
female, except the male; and it would be curious to know 
whether the graceful savage who figures in this narrative 
was infected with the genuine passion of love, which is 
supposed to be taken at first sight, or was practicing a 
native coquetry, which would lavish its fascinations with 
equal prodigality on the next attractive object that ap- 
peared. 

Mr. Biggs was now examined in council for the purpose 
of ascertaining his taste for the Indian mode of life, and 
qualifications for usefulness. " The first question they 
asked me was, would I have my hair cut off like they cut 
theirs, I answered, no. Second question they asked me 
was, if I would have holes bored in my ears and nose, 
and have rings and lead hung in them like they had, I 
answered, no. The third question they asked me was, if 
I could make hats;" to which, as well as to the subse- 
quent questions, whether he was a carpenter, a black- 
smith, or could hoe corn, or hunt, he replied successively 
in the negative, determined not to betray the knowledge 
of any art which would render his services valuable. The 
wily savages, however, inquired how he gained a liveli- 
hood, and the pioneer, with equal cunning, replied, by 
writing. To test the truth of this statement, he was re- 
quired to write to a trader at Vincennes, for two loaves of 
bread. He suggested the want of materials, but one of 
the Indians produced the back of a letter which he had 
carefully hoarded up, a quill was plucked from the wing 
of a turkey, and shaped into a pen with a scalping knife, 
by the ingenious backwoodsman, who also supplied the 
place of ink with some gunpowder and water, and wrote 
the letter. A messenger was sent, who in due time re- 
turned with the two loaves, and Mr. Biggs' credit remained 
unim peached. 



284 RELEASE FROM CAPTIVITY. 

He remained several weeks with these people, who con- 
tinued to treat him with uniform civility, and endeavored 
to render his captivity as easy as was practicable. Of 
those with whom he resided, he says, " they were a smart, 
neat, and cleanly family — kept their cabin very nice and 
clean, the same as white women, and cooked their victuals 
very nice ;" and his whole account is such as to exhibit 
redeeming traits, which contrast agreeably with the 
gloomy pictures of savage life with which we are familiar. 

At length some traders visited the Kickapoo village, 
who readily agreed to open a negotiation with the Indians 
for the freedom of their prisoner, and advanced goods 
in payment, to the amount of two hundred and sixty 
dollars, for which sum Mr. Biggs gave his note. He 
went immediately to Vincennes, where he procured a 
passage in a boat which was about to proceed by the 
Wabash, Ohio, and Mississippi rivers, to Kaskaskia. He 
reached the latter place in safety, and thence hastened 
home, where he found that his family had been in entire 
ignorance of his fate, and had supposed him to have been 
murdered by the Indians, until a few days before his 
return. 



PIONEERS OF TENNESSEE. 285 



CHAPTER XXI. 

Foreign Influence over the Indians. 

While the pioneers were thus active in the forests of 
Kentucky, the enterprising spirit of our countrymen had 
led them to explore other parts of the Ohio valley, and 
to undertake adventures similar to those which we have 
described. Tennessee began to be settled from North 
Carolina about the same time, and by a similar class of 
men. Sevier, Blount, Eobinson, and other prominent 
leaders in that region, closely resembled the Harrods, the 
Logans, the Hardins, and Bullits of Kentucky, in mental 
energy and physical hardihood. We do not enter upon 
their history, because it would lead us to a repetition of 
events precisely analogous to those which we have de- 
tailed; and in giving merely the spirit of western history, 
it is not our intention to repeat similar circumstances, 
occurring at different places and to different individuals, 
but merely to select such examples as may best illustrate 
the whole subject. We refrain also, from touching upon 
the annals of Tennessee, because the events which oc- 
curred in that region, are not connected or involved with 
those that took place in the settlement of Kentucky and 
the territory north-west of the Ohio. Although contem- 
poraneous and similar, the actors were different, and the 
transactions entirely independent of each other. 



286 THE STATE OF FRANKLAND. 

It may, however, be stated, as a curious coincidence, 
and as another illustration of some of the remarks which 
we made on the political condition of the early settlers, 
that while Kentucky was engaged in angry altercation 
with Virginia, in relation to the navigation of the Missis- 
sippi, and other exciting topics, to which we have alluded, 
Tennessee was angrily urging the same subjects upon the 
attention of North Carolina. But the people of Tennessee 
became more exasperated, and proceeded to more decisive 
measures than the inhabitants of Kentucky; for while the 
latter only weighed the advantages of their connection 
with the Union, and spoke of a violent separation from 
the mother State as a possible event, the former proceeded 
to the experiment of a separate government, and actually 
framed the Constitution of an independent State, which 
they called Franhland. They were, however, not unani- 
mous in this measure; a part only of the people, headed 
by a few violent men, assented to its adoption, while the 
remainder continued loyal to the existing authorities, 
patiently waiting for a change of times, and confidently 
relying on the justice of a government of their own choice, 
which could have no inducement, nor any provocation, to 
oppress a portion of its citizens. The State of Frankland 
had a brief and turbulent existence, and died a natural 
death. The admission of Tennessee into the Union, as 
a separate State, in 1796, quieted the discontents of the 
people. 

About the year 1750, a settlement was made at Red- 
stone, now called Brownsville, on the Monongahela. The 
settlers were chiefly Pennsylvanians. From this place and 
Fort Pitt, they spread over western Pennsylvania and 
Virginia. No part of our population ever suffered more 
severely from Indian hostilities than this. The wars 
were fierce and long continued. There is scarcely a spot 



COLONEL M'KEE. 287 

throughout that region, which is not distinguished as the 
field of a sanguinary battle, or the scene of some memo- 
rable deed of savage atrocity. The romantic and beau- 
tiful shores of the Monongahela, are rendered particularly 
interesting, by the many wild traditions related by the old 
inhabitants, and the singularly exciting associations with 
which they inspire the mind of the traveler. 

The savages who assailed the new settlements in the 
West, resided chiefly on the north-western side of the Ohio 
river, from its mouth to the lakes. The British govern- 
ment had established agencies among them, for the sole 
purpose of keeping alive their rancor against the American 
people. The fur trade was not at that period a source of 
great profit, nor an object of commercial cupidity; and the 
British cabinet could have had no other inducement suffi- 
ciently powerful, to have provoked a measure so audacious 
as that of maintaining agents among the tribes within 
our acknowledged territorial boundaries, except that of 
preventing the expansion of our population, by keeping 
up a continual warfare upon the borders. The fearful ex- 
tent to which they effected this object, is too well remem- 
bered. Colonel M'Kee, an authorized agent of the British 
government, of high official rank, and great influence 
among the tribes, became infamously notorious for the! 
atrocities committed under his sanction, and the success 
of his wide-spread and indefatigable intrigues. His name 
is found continually associated with the darkest deeds' 
which are recorded in the history, or preserved in the 
traditions of our border wars. That his misdeeds have 
been exaggerated by rumor, and magnified by the resent- 
ment of those who suffered by his cruel policy, is alto- 
gether possible; but enough is shown in his own official 
acts, and in the reports of the American governors and 
commanders in the West, to establish the fact, that he 



288 SIMON GIRTY. 

served what lie supposed to be the interests of his own 
country, with a zeal as fatal to his own reputation, as it 
was destructive to the peace of the frontiers, and ruinous 
to the unhappy savages who were the willing instruments 
of his vengeance. A wretched miscreant, named Simon 
Girty, was another agent in these nefarious proceedings — 
a native of one of the British colonies — who, in conse- 
quence of his crimes, or of some injury which he supposed 
himself to have received, had fled from the abodes of civi- 
lized men ; he became a savage in manners and in prin- 
ciple, and spent his whole life in the perpetration of a 
demoniac vengeance against his countrymen. He planned 
many expeditions against our borders, some of which he 
led in person ; was present at the conflagration of the set- 
tler's cabin, witnessed the expiring agonies of the mother 
and the infant, and assisted in the dreadful solemnities 
which attend the torturing of a prisoner at the stake. It 
was in vain that the unhappy victims appealed to his 
humanity; a single instance only is known, in which he 
suffered the dictates of pity to actuate his conduct; with 
the same cold indifference or hellish malignity, did he 
witness the butchery of the infant, the murder of the 
tender woman, and the excruciating torture of the gal- 
lant soldier. He is not known to have held any specific 
appointment under the British government; but he was 
the companion and subordinate of M'Kee, and was known 
to have had the countenance and protection of that officer. 
This subject is too painful to be dwelt upon in detail. 
The relations between the British and American govern- 
ments are now placed upon an amicable basis, which ren- 
ders it improbable that the vicious of either nation will 
ever again have it in their power to inflict upon the peace- 
ful inhabitants of the other, such injuries as those to 
which we have alluded. The recital of these events, 



INDIANS EMPLOYED AS AUXILIARIES. 289 

therefore, in the mere spirit of resentment, would be 
wrong; but it is impossible to pass them over in silence, 
because they have had so important a bearing upon the 
affairs of this region, that without adverting to them, its 
history can not be understood, nor can the difficulties 
which surrounded the first settlers be fairly appreciated. 

We have seen that the pioneers of Kentucky, though 
few in number, and unsupported by the government, con- 
tended successfully against the Indians. v The settlement 
of the newer States, west of the Ohio, commenced at a 
later period, under the immediate auspices of the United 
States, and with prospects far more encouraging; yet the 
hostilities were as fierce, though not so long protracted, 
as those of the Kentuckians. In the one case, small 
parties of volunteers, hastily collected, and without organi- 
zation, acted successfully against the savage; in the other, 
regular armies, under experienced commanders, were more 
than once defeated. 

It is also worthy of remark, that at a period nearly 
contemporaneous with the commencement of the settle- 
ments in Ohio, the United States began to organize a sys- 
tem of conciliatory measures towards the Indians. The 
policy pursued previously, as well by the colonies as by 
the British government, had been such as to alienate the 
aborigines and provoke their vengeance. The wars between 
the English and French, had operated most unhappily 
upon our relations with the tribes, not only by keeping 
the frontiers- in a state of disturbance, which rendered 
both the whites and the Indians jealous, and keenly alive 
to the slightest appearance of affront, but by the direct 
employment of the savages as auxiliaries. In the revolu- 
tionary war, this fatal expedient was adopted by the mother 
country to a fearful extent; and along the whole line of 
our frontier, the Indians, armed with the weapons of civi- 
25 



290 THE PRACTICE DISCOURAGED BY US. 

lized men, and furnished with munitions by our wealthy- 
antagonist, were incited to ravage the country. The 
Indian force that invested Boonsboro in 1778, fought 
under British colors, was commanded by Europeans, and 
summoned the garrison in the name of his Britannic 
majesty. 

The American government was the first to discourage 
the unnatural practice of employing savage auxiliaries; 
and the adoption of this principle, was among the earliest 
acts of the Federal Union. In the ordinance of 1787, for 
the government of the Territory north-west of the Ohio, 
we find the following emphatic declaration, which may be 
considered as comprehending the views of our government 
and people at that time, and as laying down the maxims 
which have regulated our policy in relation to that un- 
fortunate race, down to the present period. "Religion, 
morality, and knowledge, being necessary to the good 
government and the happiness of mankind, schools and 
the means of education shall for ever be encouraged. The 
utmost good faith shall always be observed towards the 
Indians; their lands and property shall never be taken 
from them without their consent; and in their property, 
rights, and liberty, they shall never be invaded or dis- 
turbed, unless in just and lawful wars authorized by Con- 
gress; but laws founded in justice and humanity, shall from 
time to time be made, for preventing wrongs being done 
to them, and for preserving peace and friendship with 
them." At a period a little subsequent, the language of 
the executive was : "It is the ardent wish of the President 
of the United States, as well from a principle of humanity, 
as from duty and sound policy, that all prudent means in 
our power, should be unremittingly pursued, for carrying 
into effect the benevolent views of Congress, relative to 
the Indian nations within the jurisdiction of the United 



INSIDIOUS POLICY OF ENGLAND. 291 

States;" and in the instructions given, from time to time, 
to the governors of the western territories, the agents for 
Indian affairs, and the military officers employed in that 
region, we find invariably the same benevolent tone, and 
the constant inculcation of measures, having for their ob- 
ject, "not only the cultivation and establishment of har- 
mony and friendship between the United States and the 
different nations of Indians, but the introduction of civili- 
zation, by encouraging and gradually introducing the arts 
of husbandry and domestic manufactures among them." 

While such language was used by the highest authori- 
ties of our country, in their instructions to the subordinate 
agents whose duties brought them in contact with the In- 
dians, and was repeated in the various councils held with 
the tribes, and enforced by the most solemn pledges — ■ 
while the Indians were entreated in the most urgent man- 
ner to abstain from the use of spirituous liquors, to dis- 
continue ther exterminating wars with each other, to live 
in peace with the white men, and to cultivate our arts, 
they were admonished by the insidious emissaries to whom 
we have alluded, to regard us with suspicion, as enemies, 
who, under the guise of friendship, sought their destruc- 
tion. A fair specimen of this species of backwoods diplo- 
macy, may be found in a talk delivered by Colonel M'Kee 
to the Potowatamies, who had destroyed twenty barrels of 
spirits, which had been brought into their nation by an 
English trader, in November, 1804. 

The moral turpitude of addressing to savages sentiments 
directly tending to incite them to intoxication and war, 
and neutralizing the efforts of the benevolent, who were 
endeavoring to dissuade them from both, is sufficiently 
obvious. But the offense becomes greatly aggravated, 
when we recollect that these Indians resided within our 
territorial limits; that the interference of an agent of a 



292 UNFORTUNATE FOR THE PIONEERS. 

foreign government was gratuitous, unauthorized, and in 
contravention of the principles of the laws of nations, and 
that we were at that time at peace with these Indians and 
with the British. 

We have no wish to multiply the evidences of this 
unjust interference with our rights and policy. We could 
trace it through the whole history of our western settle- 
ments, from the revolution down to the war with Great 
Britain, which terminated with the close of the year 1814. 
This state of things was the most unfortunate for the in- 
terests of the pioneers, that could possibly have occurred, 
and its practical operation was peculiarly disastrous and 
oppressive. Had they been left to contend alone against 
the savages; had the contest been simply for the posses- 
sion of the country, without any reference to questions of 
right, and without the interference of the government on 
the one hand, or of adverse political machinations on the 
other, the conflict would easily have been decided. The 
first adventurers to Kentucky were thus unembarrassed, 
and were uniformly successful. At a later period, the 
government, while it afforded little protection to the 
frontiers, imposed restraints which crippled the exertions 
of the inhabitants of the borders, while they encouraged 
the Indians to become more audacious in their hostility. 
It was determined, that the lands of the Indians should 
not in any case be taken from them without their con- 
sent, nor without giving them an equivalent. Hostilities 
against them were discouraged, and the invasion of their 
territory forbidden, while the Indians were making fre- 
quent incursions into our country, and ravaging the whole 
border with fire and sword. On our side, there was for- 
bearance and restraint; on theirs, active and unremitting 
hostility; the government of the United States was con- 
tinually mediating between the actual parties, the Indians 



CAUSE OF THE INDIAN WAR IN ILLINOIS. 293 

and the settlers, and withholding the latter from what 
they considered a just vengeance, while the agents of a 
foreign government were arming our foes, and inciting 
them to new acts of murder and depredation. 

It is perfectly obvious that these transactions must have 
been injurious to all concerned, but especially to the in- 
habitants, both civilized and savage, of this region. The 
Indians were sacrificed without mercy, by a destructive 
policy, of their allies, who reaped much odium, but gained 
no ultimate benefit by the operation; the settlers endured 
the most dreadful calamities, while the beneficent inten- 
tions of the government were frustrated. 

We do not mean to insist that all the outrages com- 
mitted on our frontiers by the Indians, are justly attribu- 
table to the direct action of the British government; many 
of the atrocities of which we complain were undoubtedly 
the unauthorized acts of private individuals, perpetrated 
for the accomplishment of their own purposes of emolu- 
ment or revenge; but some of them have been shown to 
have been the official acts of public men, and the cabinet 
of St. James is responsible for the effects of a system of 
which it was the author, and which was in itself unjusti- 
fiable. The fur trade, although insignificant when com- 
pared with the other branches of the commerce and 
industry of either nation, has always been a source of 
contention between the traders of the United States and 
Great Britain; and the Indians have been tampered with 
by persons who have had no higher object in view than 
the securing of the trade with a particular tribe. The 
last Indian war in Illinois, was in part brought about by 
the machinations of the Canadian traders, who expected, 
by embroiling the Americans with the Indians, to prevent 
our traders from passing in safety up the Mississippi, and 
thus to monopolize to themselves the traffic of one year. 



294 EXPEDITION AGAINST KASKASKIA. 



CHAPTER XXII. 



Clarke's Expedition against the French settlements — Capture of 
Kaskaskia — Capture of Vincennes — Founding of Louisville 
— Anecdote of Kenton. 

One of the earliest expeditions of the Americans beyond 
the Ohio, which then constituted the western frontier, was 
that of Colonel Ceorge Rogers Clarke against Kaskaskia, 
in 1778. This place, as well as the posts upon the lakes, 
was then in the possession of the British, with whom we 
were at war; and being one of the points from which 
the Indians were supplied with munitions, and enabled 
to harass the settlements in Kentucky, its capture was 
deemed so important, that the legislature of Virginia was 
induced to raise a regiment for the purpose. The com- 
mand was given to Colonel Clarke, who planned the ex- 
pedition, and who is spoken of by Chief Justice Marshall, 
as "a gentleman, whose great courage, uncommon hardi- 
hood, and capacity for Indian warfare, had given him 
repeated successes, in enterprises against the savages." 
He was a man of extraordinary talents and energy of 
character — possessed of a military genius, which enabled 
him to plan with consummate wisdom, and to execute his 
designs with decision and promptitude. Having visited 
Kentucky during the previous year, he was satisfied, that, 
in order to curb the Indians effectually, it was necessary 
to strike at the powerful, though distant allies, by whom 



COL. GEORGE ROGERS CLARKE. 205 

they were supported. His great mind readily compre- 
hended the situation of the country; he made himself 
acquainted with the topography of the whole region, as 
far as it was known, with the localities of the enemy's 
posts, and the strength of their forces; and was enabled 
to make such representations as induced the legislature 
of Virginia to act with vigor. A regiment was autho- 
rized to be raised for the defence of the western frontiers, 
without designating the particular object of the enter- 
prise, which remained a profound secret; and such was 
the confidence inspired by Col. Clarke, that between two 
and three hundred men were raised without delay. 

With this force he crossed the mountains to the Monon- 
gahela, and descended by water to the falls of Ohio, 
where he was joined by some volunteers from Kentucky. 
Having halted a few days to refresh his men, he pro- 
ceeded down the Ohio to the neighborhood of Fort Mas- 
sac, a point about sixty miles above the confluence of 
that river with the Mississippi, where he landed and hid 
his boats, to prevent their discovery by the Indians. He 
was now distant from Kaskaskia about one hundred and 
thirty miles, and the intervening country — with which 
the writer is familiarly acquainted — must have been at 
that period, when in a state of nature, almost impassable. 
His route led through a low, flat region, intersected by 
numerous streams and ponds, and entirely covered with 
a most luxuriant vegetation, which must have greatly 
impeded the march of troops. Through this dreary 
region the intrepid leader marched on foot, at the head 
of his gallant band, with his rifle on his shoulder, and 
his provision upon his back. After wading through 
ponds, crossing creeks by such methods as could be has- 
tily adopted, and sustaining two days' march after the 
provisions were exhausted, he arrived in the night before 



296 SURPRISE AND CAPTURE OF KASKASKIA. 

the village of Kaskaskia. Having halted and formed his 
men, be made them a brief speech, which contained only 
the pithy sentiment, that " the town was to be taken, 
at all events." And it was taken accordingly, without 
striking a blow ; for, the surprise was so complete, that 
no resistance was attempted. A detachment, mounted on 
the horses of the country, was immediately pushed for- 
ward to surprise the villages higher up the Mississippi ; 
they were all taken without resistance, and the British 
power in that quarter completely destroyed. It is said, 
that a hunter had discovered the American troops, and 
apprised the inhabitants of Kaskaskia of their approach ; 
but that his story was considered so improbable as to 
obtain no credit. It was an improbable story, although 
it turned out to be true. A law had been passed for the 
raising of a regiment, the troops had been enlisted, offi- 
cered, and equipped, transported thirteen hundred miles 
by land and water, through a wilderness country, inhab- 
ited by the Indian allies of the enemy, and marched into 
a garrisoned town, without the slightest suspicion, much 
less discovery, of the movement. When we observe the 
amount of time and labor which is now expended in 
making a journey from Virginia to Kaskaskia,. with all 
our improvements, and reflect how incalculably greater 
must have been the difficulties of such a journey at that 
time, when there was no road across the mountains, nor 
any boats in which to navigate the rivers but such rude 
craft as the traveler might construct for his own conve- 
nience; and when we take into consideration the difficulty 
of transporting provisions and ammunition through a 
wild region, the successful expedition of Colonel Clarke 
will present itself as a brilliant military achievement. 

His next exploit was bolder, more arduous, and equally 
successful. Kaskaskia was not strongly defended j no 



MARCH TO VINNCENNES. 297 

attack by a civilized enemy was apprehended at this 
remote spot, and the approach of Clarke was unsuspected; 
but Vincennes, situated nearly in a direct line between 
Kaskaskia and the falls of Ohio, distant one hundred 
and sixty miles from the former place, and two hundred 
miles from the latter, had been considered within the 
reach of an attack from the American settlements, and 
was strongly fortified. It was well garrisoned with British 
troops, commanded by Governor Hamilton, an expe- 
rienced officer, who was quickly apprised of the capture 
of the posts on the Mississippi, in his rear, and prepared 
to expect a visit from the daring Clarke and his victo- 
rious troops. In addition to the regular force, which 
was greatly superior to that of Clarke in numbers and in 
equipment, he had under his command six hundred In- 
dian warriors ; and being an active, skillful officer, he 
proposed to march as soon as possible upon the American 
commander. But the season was such as to render any 
immediate military movement difficult, and apparently 
impracticable. The rivers and smaller streams, all of 
which, in this level region, overflow their banks rapidly 
after heavy falls of rain, were now swelled, and the passes 
of the country blocked up. Unable to march his own 
troops under such circumstances, he considered that Clarke 
would be confined by the same causes to the shores of 
the Mississippi, where no reinforcement could reach him, 
and where he could attack him with the certainty of 
success, upon the subsiding of the waters. 

Colonel Clarke, who, with his other accomplishments, 
possessed a singular capacity for penetrating into the 
designs of his enemy, became informed, as well of the 
present delay, as of the ulterior plan of the British com- 
mander, and determined to anticipate his intentions, by 
marching instantly against the post of Vincennes. To 



298 DIFFICULTIES OF APPROACH. 

effect this, it was necessary to pass, without any road, 
over a surface of one hundred and sixty miles of fertile 
soil, whose light, spongy loam, saturated with water, 
afforded no firm footing to the steps of the soldiery, and 
to cross the Kaskaskia, the Little Wabash, the Embarras, 
and the Great Wabash rivers, besides a number of their 
tributaries, all of which were swollen, and margined by 
wide belts of inundated land. But the undaunted leader 
pressed on — without wagons, without tents, with only 
such provision and ammunition as could be carried on 
the backs of a few pack-horses, and the shoulders of the 
men — toiling by day through mud and water, and sleep- 
ing at night upon the wet ground. 

Upon reaching the waters of the Great Wabash, our 
adventurous troops beheld before them an obstacle which 
must have daunted the hearts of warriors less resolutely 
determined than themselves, upon the successful achieve- 
ment of their enterprise. On the eastern bank of the 
river stood the British fort, on a high shore, swept by the 
foaming current of a great river ; on the western side was 
a tract of low alluvion land, five miles in width, entirely 
inundated. The whole expanse of water to be crossed, 
was nearly six miles in width — first, the marshy flat, in 
whose treacherous quicksands the writer has seen the 
horse sink under his rider, and become instantly buried 
in the mire, now covered with water, too deep in some 
places to be forded, and too shallow in others to admit of 
navigation by boats, and impeded throughout by growing 
timber, floating logs, or tangled brushwood — and then, the 
swift, powerful current of the river. 

Colonel Clarke was laboriously employed for sixteen 
days, in effecting the march from Kaskaskia to Vincennes ; 
five of which were consumed in passing the wilderness of 
water just described, through which he meandered in such 



VINCENNES TAKEN — CLARKE'S MANEUVER. 299 

a manner as to conceal his forces from the enemy, by 
avoiding the prairie, and keeping as much as possible 
under the cover of the timber — wading sometimes breast 
, deep, sometimes proceeding upon rafts and canoes, and at 
last, crossing the river in the night, and presenting him- 
self suddenly before the town, which was completely sur- 
prised. 

It was here that the western Hannibal, as Clarke may 
be justly called, performed a maneuver, which shows 
that he was prudent as well as daring; and that while he 
possessed the hardihood to attempt the most desperate en- 
terprises, he was fertile in expedients, and cautious in 
availing himself of any incidental advantage which might 
be presented. As he approached the town, over the wide, 
beautiful prairie on which it stands, and at the moment 
when his troops were discovered by the enemy, he found 
himself near a small circular eminence, which concealed a 
part of his force from the observation of the foe. Under 
this cover, he countermarched his column in so skillful 
a manner, that the leading files, which had been seen 
from the town, were transferred, undiscovered, to the rear, 
and made to pass again and again in sight of the enemy r 
until all his men had been displayed several times, and 
his little detachment of jaded troops was made to assume 
the appearance of a long column, greatly superior in num- 
ber to its actual force. He then promptly summoned the 
garrison to surrender. Governor Hamilton, after a brief 
defense, struck his flag ; and the gallant Clarke found 
himself master of an important post, whose garrison, now 
his prisoners, consisted of a well appointed body of sol- 
diers, twice as numerous as his own followers. 

These brilliant exploits of Colonel Clarke had an im- 
portant bearing upon the interests of the western country, 
both direct and consequential. They gave, for the moment, 



300 SALUTARY EFFECTS OF THE EXPEDITION. 

safety and repose to the harassed inhabitants of Kentucky, 
and struck with terror the whole savage population of the 
wide region through which he passed. They deranged an 
extensive plan of operations on the part of the enemy, the 
design of which was to annihilate all the border settle- 
ments, by pouring in the combined Indian force along 
the whole line of our frontier, while they detached from 
the British interest many tribes who had long acted under 
the control of that power. They hastened, if they did 
not contribute to produce, the most important political 
event connected with the history of the western country 
— the purchase of Louisiana. The limits of the United 
States were extended to the Mississippi, where 'they re- 
mained fixed; and Virginia, assuming her title to the 
conquered territory, in right of her charter, as well as 
of the conquest by her own arms, proceeded at once to 
erect it into a county which was called Illinois. 

Another direct consequence of the successes of Colonel 
Clarke, was the protection of the infant settlement of 
Louisville, at the mouth of Beargrass. /^Previous to that 
period, the families of the pioneers who were collected at 
the falls of Ohio, had been compelled to seek safety upon 
the small island abreast of the present site of the city. 
Here Clarke had built a fort, and at his departure, about 
thirteen families remained on this narrow islet, in the 
midst of the foaming rapids, surrounded by enemies, and 
enduring the severest privations, but tenaciously main- 
taining their foothold. The capture of Vincennes, by 
breaking up the nearest and strongest of the enemy's 
western posts, relieved their apprehensions of immediate 
danger, and encouraged them to settle permanently on the 
Kentucky shore. J 

The enterprising spirit of Clarke was shared by those 
who followed him. Among them was Simon Kenton, one 



ANECDOTE OF KENTON. 301 

of the most celebrated and daring of the pioneers. After 
the fall of Kaskaskia, he was sent with a small party to 
Kentucky, with despatches. On their way, they fell in 
with a camp of Indians, in whose possession was a num- 
ber of horses, which they took and sent back to the army. 
Pursuing their way by Vincennes, they entered that place 
by night, traversed several of the streets, and departed 
without being discovered, taking from the inhabitants, 
who were hostile, two horses for each man. When they 
came to White river, a raft was made, on which to trans- 
port the guns and baggage, while the horses were driven 
in to swim across the river. On the opposite shore, a 
party of Indians were encamped, who caught the horses 
as they ascended the bank. Such are the vicissitudes of 
border incident! The same horses that had been au- 
daciously taken, only the night before, from the interior 
of a regularly garrisoned town, were lost, by being acci- 
dentally driven by the captors into a camp of the enemy. 
Kenton and his party, finding themselves in the utmost 
danger, returned to the shore from which they had pushed 
their raft, and concealed themselves until night, when 
they crossed the river at a different place, and reached 
Kentucky in safety. 

We shall insert here another anecdote of Kenton, as a 
specimen of the daring spirit of the pioneers, and of the 
singular adventures through which some of them passed. 
A party of Indians having stolen some horses in Ken- 
tucky, Kenton, with a few companions, pursued them 
across the Ohio, keeping upon their trail for several days 
undiscovered, and without getting an opportunity of at- 
tacking them, until the Indians reached their village. In 
the night, Kenton and his men entered the village 
secretly, and not only re-captured the stolen property, 
but took also several of the best of the Indians' horses. 



302 IS CAPTURED BY THE INDIANS. 

Kenton fled with the booty rapidly towards home, and 
the Indians, discovering their loss, became, in turn, the 
pursuers. The Americans reached the western shores of 
the Ohio in safety; but being unable, in consequence of 
a high wind, to cross without risking the loss of the 
horses, which had cost them so much toil and danger, they 
were delayed until the Indians overtook them, and Kenton 
was captured, while his companions escaped. 

The Indians either knew Kenton, or discovered from 
his bearing and his conduct on this occasion, that he was 
an extraordinary man ; and while they exulted in his cap- 
ture, they practiced upon him every possible cruelty. 
They taunted him with sarcastic compliments upon his 
love for horses, and assured him that he should ride one 
of their best animals. He was accordingly bound securely 
upon a vicious young horse, which was turned loose with- 
out a bridle, to follow the party. The animal reared and 
plunged and dashed through the woods, endeavoring, in 
vain, to shake off its rider; until, wearied out, it became 
more tame, and quietly fell into the rear of the other 
horses. Still the situation of Kenton was not the less 
painful; for the horse, becoming accustomed to the burden, 
would often stop to graze, lingering until the party was 
nearly out of sight, and then dashing forward, would 
pursue them at full speed, dragging the lacerated body 
of the wretched pioneer under the overhanging branches, 
and plunging with him through the closest thickets, as if 
with the purpose of increasing his misery. 

On his arrival at Chillicothe, the most populous of the 
Indian towns in this region, he was painted black, tied to 
a stake, and suffered to remain in this painful situation 
for twenty-four hours, anticipating the horrors of a slow 
and cruel death. He was next condemned to run the 



KENTON ABOUT TO BE BURNT. 303 

gauntlet. The Indians, several hundred in number, of 
both sexes, and every age and rank, armed with switches, 
sticks, and other implements of annoyance, were formed 
in two lines, between which the unhappy prisoner was 
made to pass; having been promised, that if he reached 
in safety the door of the council-house, at the farther end 
of the lines, no further punishment would be inflicted. 
He accordingly ran with all the speed of which his de- 
bilitated condition rendered him capable, beaten by the 
savages as he passed, and had nearly reached the goal, 
when he was knocked down by a warrior with a club; 
and the demoniac crew, gathering around his prostrate 
body, continued to beat him, until life seemed to be nearly 
extinguished. 

In this wretched condition, naked, lacerated, and ex- 
hausted, he was marched from town to town, exhibited, 
tortured, often threatened to be burned at the stake, and 
frequently compelled to run the gauntlet. On one of 
these occasions, he attempted to make his escape, broke 
through the ranks of his torturers, and had outstripped 
those who pursued him, when he was met by some war- 
riors on horseback, who compelled him to surrender. 
After running the gauntlet in thirteen towns, he was 
taken to Lower Sandusky, to be burned. Here resided 
the miscreant Grirty, who having just returned from an 
unsuccessful expedition against the frontiers of Pennsyl- 
vania, was in a particularly ill humor, and hearing that 
there was a white prisoner in town, he rushed upon him, 
struck him, beat him to the ground, and was proceeding 
to farther atrocities, when Kenton had the presence of 
mind to call him by name, and claim his protection. 
They had known each other in their youth ; Kenton had 
once saved the life of Grirty ; and deaf as the latter was, 



304 SAVED BY GIRTY — AGAIN BY DREWYER. 

habitually, to every dictate of benevolence, he admitted 
the claim of his former acquaintance ; and actuated by 
one of those unaccountable caprices so common among 
savages, interceded for him, rescued him from the stake, 
and took him to his house, where, in a few days, the lustyy 
pioneer recovered his strength. Some of the chiefs, how- 
ever, became dissatisfied ; another council was held, the 
former decree was reversed, and Kenton was again doomed 
to the stake. From this extremity he was rescued by the 
intercession of Drewyer, a British agent, who, having suc- 
ceeded in obtaining his release, carried him to Detroit, 
where he was received by the British commandant as a 
prisoner of war. From this place he made his escape, 
in company with two other Americans; and after a march 
of thirty days through the wilderness, continually exposed 
to re-capture, had the good fortune to reach the settlements 
in Kentucky. 

This is one of many similar adventures which are re- 
lated of this remarkable man, who seems to have possessed 
a courage which nothing could daunt, a vigor of mind 
equal to every emergency, and a strength of constitution, 
which enabled him to bear the most incredible fatigues 
and sufferings. He is still living — a venerable relic of 
a past age. He resides in the State of Ohio, a remark- 
able monument of' the rapid advancement of the country. 
In the very region over which he roamed a hunter and a 
warrior, when not a single white man had erected his 
cabin within its limits, he now finds himself the citizen 
of a State containing more than a million of inhabitants, 
and surrounded by other States but little less populous. 
He sees towns and cities, commerce and manufactures, 
government and laws, wealth, refinement, and religion, 
where he once saw only the forest, the beast of prey, and 



KENTON REACHES A GOOD OLD AGE. 305 

the savage. He lived a life of romantic and wild adven- 
ture; and after having braved a thousand dangers, and 
been miraculously preserved from death by violence on 
various occasions, outlived the most of his cotempo- 
raries, and died composedly in his bed, and was gathered 
in peace to his fathers. 



26 



306 DIFFERENT EXPEDITIONS. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

Bowman's Expedition — Clarke's in 1780 — Battle of Blue Licks- 
Harmar's Expedition — Wilkinson's. 

In 1778, an expedition was sent from Kentucky against 
the Indians west of the Ohio, under the command of Col. 
John Bowman; but owing to some mismanagement, it 
entirely failed. 

In 1780, Colonel Clarke led an expedition against the 
Shawanoes residing on the Great Miami. It was conducted 
with the caution and promptitude which had previously 
distinguished the movements of that officer. The Indians 
were completely surprised, and had barely time to send 
their squaws and children to the woods for safety. They, 
however, defended their cabins obstinately, and were only 
driven from them after a severe battle. The town was 
then burnt, the corn-fields laid waste, and the means of 
sustenance of the inhabitants, as far as possible, destroyed. 
This seems to have been the most effectual method for 
bridling the ferocity of the Indians; the death of a portion 
of their warriors only increased their fury, but the de- 
struction of their villages and corn-fields chilled their 
courage, by showing them that the war could be carried 
to their homes, while it crippled their military power, 
by forcing them to engage in hunting to support their 
families. 

The year 1782 is rendered memorable in the annals of 



BATTLE OF THE BLUE LICKS. 307 

Kentucky, as the era of the disastrous battle of the Blue 
Licks. A number of tribes having united in a formidable 
combination, a large body of Indian warriors was marched 
into Kentucky. A gallant force was hastily assembled to 
meet them, composed of the flower of the population of 
the nearest settlements to the point invaded — the best 
and bravest men, the most promising and chivalrous youth 
of the land. The enemy, having slaughtered a number 
of the unprotected inhabitants, and committed many depre- 
dations, were apparently retiring, when this army moved 
with alacrity in pursuit, full of the most sanguine expec- 
tations. Colonel Daniel Boone and others, who were con- 
versant with the savage character, discovered a peculiarity 
in their mode of retreat, which afforded cause for sus- 
picion; instead of their usual secrecy and speed, signs of 
carelessness and delay were discovered on their trail, indi- 
cating their route and betraying a willingness to be pur- 
sued ; while, on the other hand, the most effectual measures 
had been adopted to conceal their numbers. They effected 
the latter object, by moving in single file, by contracting 
their camps to the smallest possible compass, and by using 
but few camp-fires; and the former, by marking a distinct, 
though narrow path, and leaving various articles strewed 
by the way, as well to point it out to the pursuers, as 
to create the belief that they were retiring in confusion. 

Deceived by these appearances, the younger warriors, 
burning with revenge, and eager for battle, rushed madly 
forward, while Boone, and a few other experienced men, 
endeavored to restrain their ardor. The consequence was, 
that they fell into an ambuscade, which had been ar- 
ranged with consummate skill; a part of the Kentuckians 
were engaged and beaten before the rest came into action ; 
the force was cut up in detail ; and a signal defeat, accom- 
panied with great slaughter, was the unhappy consequence. 



308 col. clarke's expedition. 

This was the most severe blow which ever fell upon the 
early settlers of Kentucky; a number of brave men were 
slain, many promising youth were among the fallen, and 
a considerable number of females and children were 
butchered or taken prisoners. Some families were wholly 
destroyed; others mourned a husband, a son, a wife, or 
an infant child, and the whole land Was filled with gloom, 
with the lamentations of bereaved relatives, and the shame 
of a proud people. 

Colonel Clarke, who then resided at the Falls of Ohio, 
immediately seized the opportunity of proposing a retalia- 
tory expedition against the Indians; confident that in the 
indignant state of the public feeling, nothing could be 
more popular, nor better calculated to soothe the irritation 
of the people, and blunt the poignancy of their distress. 
His call was promptly answered. Officers and men volun- 
teered; horses, provisions, and supplies of every kind, 
were gratuitously offered by those who could not leave 
home, and the enterprising leader soon found himself at 
the head of a thousand mounted riflemen, who panted to 
meet the enemy. 

This expedition was conducted with the despatch and 
secrecy so essential to the success of partisan warfare, 
and for which its distinguished leader had already ob- 
tained celebrity. He proceeded to the Indian towns on 
the Miami and Scioto, but found them deserted. He 
passed from village to village, his approach producing 
every-where the same effects. Dismay and fright pre- 
ceded his victorious march. His name struck terror 
throughout the whole Indian border. The crafty savages, 
who are admirable judges of human nature, in all that 
relates to military feeling or calculation, were aware that 
the pride of Kentucky had been touched; and that those 
who now sought them in their own towns, to challenge 



GEN. harmar's expedition. 30Q 

them to battle, came prepared to conquer or die — to re- 
venge injury and wipe off disgrace. They declined a meet- 
ing with such men, led by such a commander; and Clarke 
found nothing but empty cabins and deserted fields. The 
former, as well as the latter, were desolated. The villages 
were reduced to ashes, and the standing corn destroyed. 
The soldiers reaped no laurels; but the effect of the ex- 
pedition was beneficial. It displayed the power and the 
spirit of the Americans, and taught the savages that they 
could not make war upon our borders with impunity. 

An expedition into the country west of the Ohio, was 
again led by General Clarke, equal in number of men to 
that just described. In 1785, the incursions of the Indians 
having again caused a popular excitement, an army of a 
thousand men was raised by voluntary association, and 
assembled at the Falls of Ohio. The provisions and am- 
munition were sent round in keel-boats to Vincennes, to 
which place General Clarke marched his men by the nearest 
route. This expedition accomplished nothing, beyond the 
good effect produced by the appearance of a respectable 
force in the Indian country. 

The next important expedition into the Indian country, 
was that of Scott and Harmar, in 1790. General Scott, 
with two hundred and thirty volunteers, crossed the Ohio 
at Limestone, and was joined by General Harmar, with one 
hundred regulars of the United States army. They pene- 
trated into the Indian country and destroyed several towns, 
but were unable to bring the Indians to battle. 

The well-known expedition of General Harmar occurred 
in the autumn of the same year. He led into the Indian 
country three hundred and twenty federal troops, and 
eleven hundred and thirty-three Kentucky volunteers, 
commanded by Colonel John Hardin, an intelligent and 
gallant officer. They penetrated into the Miami country, 



310 AN AMBUSCADE. 

laid waste the corn-fields of the Indians, and having ac- 
complished the sole object of the expedition, were about to 
return, when some Indians appeared in the vicinity of the 
camp. Colonel Hardin was detached with a small party 
in pursuit of them. After pursuing them for six miles, 
he fell into a snare which they had prepared for him. The 
Indians, having divided themselves into two parties, had 
returned on each side of their own trail, at a distance 
from it, and then approaching it, had concealed them- 
selves in the tall grass, and were quietly waiting the ap- 
proach of the Americans. When Colonel Hardin and his 
detachment had passed into the ambushed spot, the enemy 
rose, discovering themselves on all sides, like the followers 
of Roderic Dhu, in the splendid conception of Scott, and 
standing exposed in the prairie, fired upon the troops, 
who were instantly thrown into disorder. The gallant 
leader endeavored in vain to rally the panic-struck men. 
The Indians, greatly superior in number, rushed in upon 
them, and such as did not find safety in flight, were 
almost instantly overpowered and slain. 

Two days afterwards, the army decamped, and com- 
menced its march toward the frontiers. At the distance 
of about ten miles from the ruined villages, the general 
halted, and detached Colonel Hardin, with a party of four 
or five hundred militia, and sixty regulars under Major 
Willis, with orders to return to the site of the principal 
Indian town, where it was supposed the Indian force 
might have collected, upon the retiring of our army. On 
reaching the village, a small body of Indians was seen, 
who, on being attacked, fled. The militia, eager to be 
revenged for the recent disaster, and maddened by the 
loss of many of their friends, dashed off in pursuit, leav- 
ing the regulars unsupported. This was precisely the 
object intended to be effected by the Indians, a part of 



MAJOR WILLIS AND PARTY SLAIN. 311 

whom had fled, merely to decoy the militia into a tumul- 
tuous pursuit. The main body of the Indians, who were 
lying in concealment, rose suddenly from their ambush, and 
with dreadful yells, rushed upon the regular troops. The 
latter were a small, though brave band, and the savages 
so numerous as to render resistance hopeless. The onset 
was of the most desperate character. The Indians, throw- 
ing aside their guns, fought with the tomahawk only. 
Never did men fight with more heroism than Willis and 
his regulars. Surrounded and overpowered, they met 
their fate with inflexible courage. For a time, they de- 
fended themselves with the bayonet, and made great havoc 
in the ranks of the assailants. But the savages increased 
in number, like the heads of the fabled Hydra, and when 
one fell, several others rushed forward to fill his place and 
avenge his death. The brave Willis and his whole party 
were slain; scarcely one was left. 

The militia were, in the meanwhile, recalled by their 
commander from the injudicious pursuit in which they 
had engaged without orders and without caution. They 
were rallied by Colonel Hardin, and brought into action, 
too late, however, to relieve the regulars. But they fought 
bravely, sustained a considerable loss, and at last retired 
in good order, before a superior force, who, flushed with 
their recent victory over the regulars, assailed their ranks 
with the fury of enraged demons. The army of Harmar 
returned to Kentucky without further incident. 

The officers who were first and second in command of 
this expedition, were much censured at the time for its 
disasters, and it has ever since been popularly known as 
"Harmar's defeat." The more impartial verdict of his- 
tory, given on a calm review of all the evidence, will do 
justice to the names of Harmar and Hardin, and rank 
these brave soldiers among the defenders of their coun- 



312 REVIEW OP THE EXPEDITION. 

try who are entitled to its gratitude. Their successes, 
and the important objects which they accomplished, have 
been obscured by their misfortunes; the country mourned 
the lives that were lost, without reflecting upon the ad- 
vantages that were gained. The object of the expedition 
was to destroy the Indian towns at and near the conflu- 
ence of St. Mary's and Joseph's rivers. This was com- 
pletely accomplished, and the Indian power in that quarter 
was effectually crippled, by the destruction of their whole 
stock of provisions for the winter. Their villages were 
burned and their corn-fields devastated. The -duty im- 
posed upon this army was performed ; and its. disasters, 
though deeply to be deplored, should not be allowed to 
throw a shade over the services or the reputation of the 
patriotic individuals who composed it. Besides the de- 
struction of their property and means of sustenance, the 
loss of life was greater on the part of the Indians than on 
the side of the whites; and that the victory .which they 
claimed, and to which the retreat of our troops entitled 
them, was dearly bought, is sufficiently evident from the 
fact, that they neither repeated the attack, nor made any 
attempt to annoy the army on its return. An army which 
had so far secured the respect of a victorious enemy as 
to be permitted to march unmolested from a disastrous 
battle-field, was certainly not dishonored, though it might 
have been vanquished. The error of Harmar consisted in 
his dividing his force, by sending out detachments, giving 
to the enemy the opportunities for practicing to advantage 
the stratagems peculiar to their system of warfare, and 
exposing our army to the hazard of being beaten in detail. 
It was thus beaten; but the error in judgment, which pro- 
duced the result, was not greater than has often been com- 
mitted by able commanders; and should at least find an 
excuse in the recollection, that it was preceded by a sue- 



GEN. scott's expedition. 313 

cessful campaign, and followed by an able retreat. Har- 
mar was a brave and accomplished officer, whose character 
was adorned by many amiable and brilliant qualities. 
Both he and Hardin demanded the investigation of their 
military conduct in this expedition, by courts of inquiry • 
and both were honorably acquitted. 

In the spring of 1791, General Scott and Colonel (after- 
wards General) Wilkinson, announced their intention to 
lead an expedition against the Indians, and a thousand 
volunteers, mounted and equipped with rifles, were assem- 
bled in the course of a few days at Frankfort. Their 
march was directed to the mouth of the Kentucky river, 
where they crossed the Ohio and struck into the Indian 
country. They penetrated one hundred and fifty miles 
into the wilderness, without meeting an enemy; visited 
the Indian villages on the Wabash, destroyed their lodges 
and their corn, and returned to Kentucky. The Wea 
towns, upon the Wabash, twelve miles below Tippecanoe, 
were surprised. The warriors fled, but a large portion of 
the women and children were taken, and delivered to the 
charge of the regular troops at Fort Washington, where 
they were kept until the peace made by General Putnam 
with the Wabash tribes, in 1793. 

This was one of the first occasions on which the effi- 
ciency of mounted riflemen, in a warfare with the Indians, 
was fairly tried — or perhaps it is more proper to say, that 
the superiority of this description of troops was now first 
made the subject of remark. General Clarke had already 
made the experiment. The backwoodsmen are excellent 
riders ; they love the horse, and are as expert in the man- 
agement of that noble animal as in the use of the rifle ; 
and in all the expeditions against the Indians, a portion 
of the volunteers were mounted. So decided is the pre- 
ference of the people of the frontier for this mode of 
27 



31'4 MOUNTED RIFLEMEN. 

warfare, that tliey are unwilling to take the field in any 
other manner. But they had heretofore usually been 
accompanied by infantry, whose sluggish movements 
through the intricacies of the forest, and among the 
wilds and swamps of the wilderness, impeded their march 
and damped their ardor ; while the Indians, unencum- 
bered with baggage, and more intimately acquainted with 
the country, reaped the full advantage of their capacity 
for rapid marches and sudden attacks. 

General Wilkinson, who was undoubtedly a gentleman 
of high courage, of singular address, and considerable mili- 
tary sagacity, is entitled to the credit of having been the 
first to notice these circumstances, and to insist publicly 
on the expediency of employing mounted riflemen alone, 
in hostilities against the Indians. Immediately after his 
return from the last expedition, he spoke and wrote in 
favor of the employment of this description of troops ; 
and in July of the same year, published a notification, 
inviting five hundred volunteer horsemen to accompany 
him on an expedition into the territory north-west of the 
Ohio. It was announced that Colonel John Hardin and 
Colonel James M'Doweli, both of whom were popular 
leaders, would serve under him as majors. Such was the 
mode of conducting these hostilities, at that period. A 
leader of repute planned an expedition, announced his 
intention, and appointed a place of rendezvous; and the 
volunteers flocked around his standard. When the en- 
terprise was sufficiently important, and a numerous 
force was required, several gentlemen united as leaders, 
arranged the plan, settled their relative rank among them- 
selves, and used their combined influence in collecting 
the number of men required. Thus, Colonel John Har- 
din, who on previous occasions had commanded a much 
larger force than that now proposed to be raised, served 



INDIAN EXPEDITIONS. 315 

on this occasion as second in command under Wilkinson. 
It is thus, also, that we account for the numerous military 
titles, under which we find the distinguished men among 
the pioneers denominated. Some of them designate the 
proper rank held by these gentlemen in the militia; others 
are titles acquired in actual service, during the revolu- 
tion ; and others show the rank gratuitously conferred 
upon the voluntary leaders in some military enterprise, 
by their companions — a rank which gave them actual 
command for the occasion, and military titles which they 
retained permanently. These expeditions were extremely 
popular ; the men offered their services cheerfully, and 
went at their own cost. There was, at first, no govern- 
ment except that of Virginia, which was too distant, and 
too much occupied in acting her distinguished part in 
the war of the revolution, to afford assistance to the set- 
tlements ; and the military duty rendered for the public 
defence, was both voluntary and gratuitous. The men 
furnished their own horses, arms, ammunition, and pro- 
visions ; thus expending their substance, and exposing 
their property, as well as their lives, in this patriotic 
service. 

This enterprise of "Wilkinson produced no important 
result, except to show the facility with which troops may 
be moved by an active officer. He scoured the Indian 
country for a few weeks, swept over a great extent of 
territory, devastated some of the villages and fields of the 
enemy, and returned without having succeeded in bring- 
ing the savages into an engagement. Among the towns 
destroyed by him, was that at the mouth of the Tippe- 
canoe. No other town was built at or near that place, 
until the establishment of the Prophet's village, which 
afterwards caused so much trouble to the frontiers of 
Indiana. 



S 



316 THE WAR BELT. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

THE WAR BELT, A LEGEND OF NORTH BEND. 

In the year 1786, there stood upon the margin of the 
Ohio, near the mouth of the Miami, a small fortress, over 
which waved the flag of the United States. The banner 
was that of a confederacy which had just emerged from a 
successful struggle with one of the most powerful nations 
of the world, and over which the illustrious Washington 
ruled as Chief Magistrate. In the eye of a military en- 
gineer, the fort would hardly have deserved that name, as 
it was a temporary structure, intended only to protect its 
small garrison against a sudden attack by an Indian force. 
It was composed of a series of log-houses opening upon 
an interior area, or quadrangle, with a block-house, or 
citadel, in the center, while the outer sides, closely con- 
nected, formed a square inclosure, or rampart, without 
apertures, except a single entrance, and a few loop-holes 
from which to discharge fire-arms. The whole presented 
the appearance of a single edifice, receiving light from 
the center, and forming barracks for the garrison, as well 
as breastworks against a foe. The forest was cleared away 
for some hundred of yards around, leaving an open vista, 
extending to the water's edge; while a few acres inclosed 
in a rude fence, and planted with corn and garden vege- 
tables for the use of the soldiers, exhibited the first rude 
attempt at agriculture in that wild and beautiful region. 



THE WAR BELT. 317 

It will be recollected, that when the shores of the Ohio 
were first explored by the adventurous pioneers, no vil- 
lages were found upon them; not a solitary lodge was 
seen along its secluded waters./ The numerous and war- 
like tribes whose battle-cry was often heard on the fron- 
tier, inhabited the tributary branches of the Ohio, leav- 
ing the immediate shores of that river an untenanted 
wilderness, rich in the glorious productions of nature, 
and animated only by the brute and the wild bird, by the 
lurking hunter and the stealthy war-party. It seemed as 
if man had been expelled from this blooming paradise, 
and only invaded its flowery precincts at intervals, to war 
upon his fellow-man, or to ravage the pastures of the deer 
and the buffalo. Historians are not agreed as to the 
reasons of this curious arrangement; but we supj)ose that 
the Manito of the red man had reserved this loveliest of 
valleys to be the happy hunting-ground of the blessed, 
and that, though living forms were seldom seen within it, 
the spirits of warriors lingered here, to mourn the destiny 
of their race, and curse the coming of the white man. 

A few adventurous pioneers from Pennsylvania, Virginia, 
and North Carolina, had crossed the Alleghenies and 
settled at different places, far distant from each other; but 
these also were inland as respected the great river; the 
civilized man avoiding its dangerous shores on the one 
side, from an instinct similar to that which induced the 
Indian to shun a residence upon them on the other. 

All the tribes inhabiting the country north of the Ohio, 
were at that time hostile to the American people, and 
beheld with great jealousy these migrations into the West, 
that indicated an intention to plant a civilized population 
on this side of the mountains. The agents also of a 
foreign power, which saw with dissatisfaction the growing 
prosperity of the United States, deemed this a favorable 



318 A LEGEND OF NORTH BEND. 

moment to unite the savage tribes against our young re- 
public, and they were accordingly instructed to address 
such arguments to the chiefs as would be likely to effect 
that object. Councils were accordingly held, and arms 
and trinkets distributed by those unprincipled emissaries. 
In consequence of these efforts, the hostile feelings of the 
savages, already sufficiently bitter, became greatly excited ; 
and at the period of which we write, a war with the com- 
bined forces of the north-western tribes seemed inevitable. 

The policy of the American government was pacific. 
They did not aim at conquest. They desired to extend 
to the savages within their borders the same justice by 
which their foreign relations were intended to be govern- 
ed. Difficult as this proposition might seem, it was not 
deemed impracticable. That the enterprising and intelli- 
gent population of the United States would spread out 
from the seaboard over the wilderness ; that the savage 
must retire before civilized man; that the desert must be 
reclaimed from a state of nature, and be subjected to the 
hand of art, were propositions too evident to be concealed 
or denied. Had the government been disposed to per- 
petuate the reign of barbarism over the fairest portion of 
our country, it could not have enforced its decree for a 
purpose so inconsistent with the interests of the people, 
and the spirit of the age. But it never was intended that 
the Indian should be driven from his hunting grounds by 
violence ; and while a necessity, strong as the law of nature, 
decreed the expulsion of the mere hunter, and gave do- 
minion to art, industry, and religion, it was always pro- 
posed that the savage should be removed by negotiation, 
and a just price given for the relinquishment of his pos- 
sessory title. 

Had these counsels prevailed, humanity would have 
been spared the anguish and humiliation of blushing for 



THE FORT. 319 

acts of deception, and weeping over scenes of bloodshed. 
They did not prevail : the magnanimous policy of the 
government remained unaltered ; but many individuals 
have committed deep wrongs against the savages, while 
the latter, misled to their ruin by foreign interference, 
spurned at the offers of conciliation, the acceptance of 
which would have insured to them the strong protection 
of the nation. 

Such was the posture of affairs, when the little fortress 
alluded to was established, at the outlet of the fertile 
valley of the Miami, and near the track by which the war 
parties approached the Ohio, in their incursions into Ken- 
tucky. The position was also that selected by Judge 
Symmes and others, the purchasers from Congress of a 
large tract of country, as the site of a future city ; though 
a trivial accident afterward changed the locality, and 
placed the Queen City of the West at a point twenty 
miles farther up the Ohio. It was near the head of that 
great bend of the Ohio, now widely known as North Bend, 
— a spot which has become classic ground to the American, 
as the residence of that excellent man, and distinguished 
statesman and soldier, the venerated and lamented Har- 
rison. The fort was garrisoned by a small party of 
soldiers, commanded by a captain, who was almost as much 
insulated from the rest of the world as Alexander Selkirk 
in the island of Juan Fernandez. 

At this sequestered spot, a treaty was to be held by 
commissioners appointed by the President, with the Sha- 
wanoes, a migratory and gallant nation, which had fought 
from South Carolina to Pennsylvania, along the whole 
line of the western frontier, and whose eventful history, 
unless it has been lately collected by an ingenious writer 
who is about to publish a life of Tecumthe, remains to 
be written. It is enough to say of them here, that no 



320 THE GARRISON. 

western tribe has produced so many distinguished indi- 
viduals, or carried on so constant a series of daring enter- 
prises. 

For several days previous to that appointed for holding 
the council, parties of Indian warriors were seen arriving 
and erecting their temporary lodges at a short distance 
from the fort. An unwonted bustle disturbed the silence 
which usually reigned at this retired spot. Groups of 
savages, surrounding their camp-fires, passed the hours 
in conversation and in feasting ; the tramp of horses and 
the barking of dogs were heard in every direction. The 
number of Indians assembled was much greater than was 
necessary, or was expected; and their disposition seemed 
to be any thing but pacific. Irritated by recent events, 
and puffed up by delusive promises of support, they wore 
an offended and insolent air. Their glances were vindic- 
tive, and their thirst for vengeance scarcely concealed. 
No one acquainted with the savage character could doubt 
their intentions, or hesitate for a moment to believe they 
only waited to ripen their plan of treachery, and at a 
moment which should be most favorable to their purposes, 
to butcher every white man in their power. 

The situation of the garrison was very precarious. The 
fort was a slight work, which might be readily set on fire, 
and the number of Americans was too small to afford the 
slightest chance of success in open fight against the nu- 
merous force of the Shawanoes. The only hope for safety 
was in keeping them at a distance ; but this was incon- 
sistent with the purposes of meeting them in council, to 
treat for peace. 

Both parties held separate councils on the day previous 
to that appointed for the treaty. That of the Indians 
was declamatory and boisterous. The caution with which 
they usually feel their way, and the secrecy that attends 



COLONEL GEORGE ROGERS CLARKE. 321 

all their measures, seems to have been abandoned. They 
had probably decided on their course, and deeming their 
enemy too weak to oppose any serious opposition, were 
declaiming upon their wrongs, for the purpose of lashing 
each other into that state of fury which would give relish 
for the horrid banquet at hand, by whetting the appetite 
for blood. The American commissioners saw with gloomy 
forebodings these inauspicious movements, and hesitated 
as to the proper course to be pursued. To treat with 
savages thus numerically superior, bent on treachery, and 
intoxicated with an expected triumph, seemed to be mad- 
ness. To meet them in council, would be to place them- 
selves at the mercy of ruthless barbarians, whose system 
of warfare justified and inculcated every species of stra- 
tagem, however disingenuous. To close the gate of the 
fortress, and break up the negotiation, would be at the 
same time a declaration of war, and an acknowledgment 
of weakness, which would produce immediate hostilities. 
In either case, this little band of Americans stood alone, 
dependent on their own courage and sagacity only, and 
cut off from all hope of support. They were far beyond 
the reach of communication with any American post or 
settlement. Under these circumstances, it was proposed 
to postpone the treaty, upon some plausible pretence, and 
to endeavor to amuse the Indians, while the utmost dili- 
gence should be used in preparing the fort for a siege : 
and in this opinion all concurred save one ; and happily 
that one was a master spirit, the Promethean fire of whose 
genius seldom failed to kindle up in other bosoms the 
courage that glowed in his own. That man was Colonel 

GrEORGE ROGERS CLARKE. 

Clarke was a Virginian of high spirit, and of consum- 
mate skill as a military leader. A series of daring ex- 
ploits, evincing a brilliant genius in their conception. 



322 HIS CHARACTER. 

executed with accuracy and energy, and terminating in 
successful results, had placed his name in the first class 
of our revolutionary heroes. It was said of him, by one 
who had followed him in battle, " He was the bravest 
man I ever knew ; his courage was governed by a wisdom 
that bore him through whatever he undertook, in security 
and in triumph ; and one could only see, after the event, 
that it partook not of rashness nor presumption, although 
it bore that appearance." The truth was, that this re- 
markable man, to the gallant spirit that belonged to him 
as a native of Virginia, added a knowledge of human 
nature, that enabled him to read and control the minds 
around him, and a promptness and energy of purpose 
that no ordinary obstacle could obstruct. 

Whatever might have been the real opinion of Colonel 
Clarke on this occasion, he treated the idea of danger with 
ridicule, and insisted, calmly, cheerfully, even playfully, 
and in a way that disarmed all opposition from his col- 
leagues, that the negotiation should go forward. 

An apartment in the fort was prepared as a council- 
room, and, at the appointed hour, the doors were thrown 
open. At the head of the table sat Clarke, a soldier-like 
and majestic man, whose complexion, eyes, and hair, all 
indicated a sanguine and mercurial temperament. The 
brow was high and capacious, the features were prominent 
and manly; and the expression, which was keen, reflective, 
and ordinarily cheerful and agreeable, was now grave, 
almost to sternness. 

The Indians, being a military people, have a deep re- 
spect for martial virtue. To other estimable or shining 
qualities they turn a careless eye, or pay at best but a 
passing tribute, while they bow in profound veneration 
before a successful warrior. The name of Clarke was 
familiar to them : several brilliant expeditions into their 



AN INDIAN COUNCIL, 323 

country had spread the terror of his arms throughout 
their villages, and carried the fame of his exploits to every 
council-fire in the West. Their high appreciation of his 
character was exemplified in a striking as well as an amus- 
ing manner, on another occasion, when a council was held 
with several tribes. The celebrated Delaware chief, Buck- 
inghelas, on entering the council-room, without noticing 
any other person, walked up to Clarke, and as he shook 
hands cordially with him, exclaimed, "It is a happy day 
when two such men as Colonel Clarke and Buckinghelas 
meet together I"* 

Such was the remarkable man who now presided at the 
council table. On his right hand sat Colonel Richard 
Butler, a brave officer of the Revolution, who soon after 
fell, with the rank of brigadier-general, in the disastrous 
campaign of St. Clair. On the other side was Samuel 
H. Parsons, a lawyer from New England, who afterwards 
became a judge in the north-western territory. At the 
same table sat the secretaries, while the interpreters, 
several officers, and a few soldiers, stood around. 

An Indian council is one of the most imposing spec- 
tacles in savage life. It is one of the few occasions in 
which the warrior exercises his right of suffrage, his in- 
fluence and his talents, in a civil capacity, and the meeting 
is conducted with all the gravity, and all the ceremonious 
ostentation with which it is possible to invest it. The 
matter to be considered, as well as all the details, are well 
digested beforehand, so that the utmost decorum shall 
prevail, and the decision be unanimous. The chiefs and 
sages, the leaders and orators, occupy the most conspicu- 
ous seats; behind them are arranged the younger braves, 
and still farther in the rear appear the women and youth, 

* See Appendix. 



324 A TRYING SITUATION. 

as spectators. All are equally attentive. A dead silence 
reigns throughout the assemblage. The great pipe, gaudily 
adorned with paint and feathers, is lighted, and passed 
from mouth to mouth, commencing with the chief highest 
in rank, and proceeding, by regular gradation, to the in- 
ferior order of braves. If two or three nations be repre- 
sented, the pipe is passed from one party to the other, 
and salutations are courteously exchanged, before the 
business of the council is opened by the respective speak- 
ers. Whatever jealousy or party spirit may exist in the 
tribe, it is carefully excluded from this dignified assem- 
blage, whose orderly conduct, and close attention to the 
proper subject before them, might be imitated with profit 
by some of the most enlightened bodies in Christendom. 

It was an alarming evidence of the temper now pre- 
vailing among them, and of the brooding storm that filled 
their minds, that no propriety of demeanor marked the 
entrance of the savages into the council-room. The usual 
formalities were forgotten, or purposely dispensed with, 
and an insulting levity substituted in their place. The 
chiefs and braves stalked in, with an appearance of light 
regard, and seated themselves promiscuously on the floor, 
in front of the commissioners. An air of insolence marked 
all their movements, and showed an intention to dictate 
terms, or to fix a quarrel upon the Americans. 

A dead silence rested over the group; it was the silence 
of dread, distrust, and watchfulness ; not of respect. The 
eyes of the savage band gloated upon the banquet of blood 
that seemed already spread out before them; the pillage 
of the fort, and the bleeding scalps of the American, were 
almost within their grasp ; while that gallant little band 
saw the portentous nature of the crisis, and stood ready to 
sell their lives as dearly as possible. 

The commissioners, without noticing the disorderly con- 



THE INSULT. 325 

duct of the other party, or appearing to have discovered 
their meditated treachery, opened the council in due form. 
They lighted the peace-pipe, and, after drawing a few 
whiffs, passed it to the chiefs, who received it. Colonel 
Clarke then rose to explain the purpose for which the 
treaty was ordered. With an unembarrassed air, with the 
tone of one accustomed to command, and the easy as- 
surance of perfect security and self-possession, he stated 
that the commissioners had been sent to offer peace to 
the Shawanoes; that the President had no wish to con- 
tinue the war ; he had no resentment to gratify ; and, that 
if the red men desired peace, they could have it on liberal 
terms. "If such be the will of the Shawanoes," he con- 
cluded, "let some of their wise men speak." 

A chief arose, drew up his tall person to its full hight, 
and assuming a haughty attitude, threw his eye contemp- 
tuously over the commissioners, and their small retinue, 
as if to measure their insignificance, in comparison with 
his own numerous train, and then stalking up to the table, 
threw upon it two belts of wampum, of different colors — 
the war and the peace belt. 

"We come here," he exclaimed, "to offer you two pieces 
of wampum; they are of different colors; you know what 
they mean : you can take which you like !" And turning 
upon his heel, he resumed his seat. 

The chiefs drew themselves up, in the consciousness of 
having hurled defiance in the teeth of the white men. 
They had offered an insult to the renowned leader of the 
Long Knives, to which they knew it would be hard for 
him to submit, while they did not suppose he would dare 
to resent it. The council-pipe was laid aside, and those 
fierce wild men gazed intently on Clarke. The Americans 
saw that the crisis had arrived: they could no longer doubt 
that the Indians understood the advantage they possessed, 



326 THE ANSWER. 

and were disposed to use it; and a common sense of danger 
caused each eye to be turned on the leading commissioner. 
He sat undisturbed, and apparently careless, until the 
chief who had thrown the belts on the table had taken 
his seat: then, with a small cane which he held in his 
hand, he reached, as if playfully, towards the war-belt, 
entangled the end of the stick in it, drew it towards him, 
and then, with a twitch of the cane, threw the belt into the 
midst of the chiefs. The effect was electric. Every man 
in council, of each party, sprang to his feet; the savages, 
with a loud exclamation of astonishment, "Hugh!" the 
Americans in expectation of a hopeless conflict against 
overwhelming numbers. Every hand grasped a weapon. 

Clarke alone was unawed. The expression of his coun- 
tenance changed to a ferocious sternness, and his eye 
flashed, but otherwise he was unmoved. A bitter smile 
was slightly perceptible upon his compressed lips, as he 
gazed upon that savage band, whose hundred eyes were 
bent fiercely and in horrid exultation upon him, as they 
stood like a pack of wolves at bay, thirsting for blood, and 
ready to rush upon him, whenever one bolder than the 
rest should commence the attack. It was one of those 
moments of indecision, when the slightest weight thrown 
into either scale will make it preponderate ; a moment in 
which a bold man, conversant with the secret springs of 
human action, may seize upon the minds of all around 
him, and sway them at his will. Such a man was the in- 
trepid Virginian. He spoke, and there was no man bold 
enough to gainsay him — none that could return the fierce 
glance of his eye. Raising his arm and waving his hand 
towards the door, he exclaimed: " Dogs ! you may go!" 
The Indians hesitated for a moment, and then rushed 
tumultuously out of the council-room. 

The decision of Clarke on that occasion, saved himself 



THE TNDTANS CONFOUNDED. 327 

and his companions from massacre. The plan of the 
savages had been artfully laid: he had read it in their 
features and conduct, as plainly as if it had been written 
upon a scroll before him. He met it in a manner which 
was unexpected; the crisis was brought on sooner than 
was intended; and upon a principle similar to that by 
which, when a line of battle is broken, the dismayed troops 
fly, before order can be restored, the new and sudden turn 
given to these proceedings by the energy of Clarke, con- 
founded the Indians, and before the broken thread of their 
scheme of treachery could be reunited, they were panic- 
struck. They had come prepared to brow-beat, to hum- 
ble, and then to destroy; they looked for remonstrance, and 
altercation; for the luxury of drawing the toils gradually 
around their victims; of beholding their agony and degra- 
dation, and of bringing on the final catastrophe by an 
appointed signal, when the scheme should be ripe. They 
expected to see, on our part, great caution, a skillful play- 
ing off, and an unwillingness to take offense, which were 
to be gradually goaded into alarm, irritation, and submis- 
sion. The cool contempt with which their first insult was 
thrown back in their teeth surprised them, and they were 
foiled by the self-possession of one man. They had no 
Tecumthe among them, no master-spirit to change the 
plan, so as to adapt it to a new exigency; and those 
braves, who in many a battle had shown themselves to be 
men of true valor, quailed before the moral superiority 
which assumed the vantage ground of a position they 
could not comprehend, and therefore feared to assail. 

The Indians met immediately around their own council 
fire, and engaged in an animated discussion. Accustomed 
to a cautious warfare, they did not suppose a man of 
Colonel Clarke's known sagacity would venture upon a 
display of mere gasconade, or assume any ground that he 



328 PEACE CONCLUDED. 

was not able to maintain ; and they therefore attributed 
his conduct to a consciousness of strength. They knew 
him to be a consummate warrior; gave him the credit of 
having judiciously measured his own power with that of 
his adversary; and suspected that a powerful reinforcement 
was at hand. Perhaps at that moment, when intent upon 
their own scheme, and thrown off their guard by imagined 
security, they had neglected the ordinary precautions that 
form a prominent feature in their system of tactics; they 
might be surrounded by a concealed force, ready to rush 
upon them at a signal from the fort. In their eagerness 
to entrap a foe, they might have blindly become entangled 
in a snare set for themselves. So fully were they con- 
vinced that such was the relative position of the two 
parties, and so urgent did they consider the necessity for 
immediate conciliation, that they appointed a delegation 
to wait on Clarke, and. express their willingness to accept 
peace on such terms as might be agreeable to him. The 
council re-assembled, and a treaty was signed, under the 
dictation of the American commissioners. Such was the 
remarkable result of the intrepidity and presence of mind 
of G-eorge Rogers Clarke. 



EXPEDITIONS NOT UNIFORMLY SUCCESSFUL. 329 




CHAPTEE XXV. 

Causes of the failure of several of the Expeditions in the North- 
western Territory — St. Clair's Campaign. 

That the engagements of the regular troops with the 
Indians in this region sliould have been so often disas- 
trous, is by no means surprising; on the contrary, When 
we reflect on the character of the army, and the circum- 
stances under which our troops were placed, we can only 
wonder that they should ever have been successful. The 
troops which had been engaged in the Revolutionary War, 
had been disbanded, and did not, necessarily, form any 
part of the military peace establishment of the Federal 
government, though many individuals, who had served 
in the Continental line, afterwards entered the army as 
officers or privates. The first standing army authorized 
by Congress, was too small to offer strong inducements to 
gentlemen of talent and enterprise, to embrace the mili- 
tary life as a profession; the officers, therefore, though 
many of them were high-minded, gallant men, were not 
generally the elite of the nation, and a large portion of 
the men were either worn-out old soldiers, or raw recruits 
of degraded character. The habit of intemperate drink- 
ing prevailed to an alarming extent. Among the speci- 
mens of the military of that day, who survived the assaults 
of time, and came down to us as the honored relics of a 
past generation, this propensity was strongly developed, 
28 



330 CAUSES OP THEIR FAILURE. 

and the appellation of old soldier, was always associated 
with the idea of a hard-drinking man. We have also 
some records that attest this fact; the proceedings of 
courts-martial in those days show that the charge of 
drunkenness was more than once brought home to the 
gentlemen of the sword ; and some of the published re- 
miniscences of the old heroes, attest the same lamentable 
truth. General Eaton has left a list of some of his 
companions, in which the expressive phrases, " dead per 
brandy" " dead per ditto" occur with melancholy fre- 
quency. Public opinion had not then placed the stamp 
of disgrace upon that species of dissipation, and military 
discipline, although severe, was imperfect. 

Our government was then but recently organized, and 
the war department had not acquired character or sta- 
bility. It was the branch of the executive which was 
least esteemed. The standing army had been made the 
theme of bitter party denunciation, had been pronounced 
dangerous to liberty, and had been stigmatized by the 
demagogues of the day with the bitterest and foulest 
epithets in the vocabulary of party invective. It was de- 
cidedly unpopular. While, therefore, it appeared certain 
that neither its numbers, nor the respectability of its 
appointments, would be enlarged by the deliberate action 
of government, it was doubtful whether the whole estab- 
lishment would not be swept off as a nuisance. Congress 
made appropriations for military purposes with reluctance; 
and there was little to encourage the war department in 
making any decided efforts to improve the service, or 
sustain the reputation of the army. 

The government was poor, and our councils were dis- 
tracted. These facts have not been made sufficiently 
prominent by those who have commented upon the ser- 
vices and sufferings of the soldiers and the first settlers 



THE ARMY NOT POPULAR. 331 

in the West, nor considered with the attention they de- 
serve, in connection with the rapid improvement of our 
country, and the vigorous growth of our institutions. 
The pioneers first penetrated into the western forests 
during the stormy period of the Revolution, when our 
infant nation was struggling in the grasp of a powerful 
antagonist, and gasping for existence. At a period a little 
later, the government was unsettled and powerless. The 
patriots of the Revolution had willed that we should be 
free; but it required many years, and much fierce con- 
tention, to determine the precise character and extent of 
the freedom for which they had successfully fought. Par- 
ties, equally adverse to rational liberty, which advocated 
the high-toned principles of aristocracy on the one hand, 
and the ferocious dogmas of unlicensed democracy on 
the other, were engaged in controversy, and struggling 
for the ascendency. By one or the other, almost every 
national institution, and every branch of the political 
economy of the country, was denounced and sought to be 
prostrated ; and the government, unwilling to expend its 
limited resources upon an unpopular or an evanescent 
institution, was uncertain what institution to foster, and 
which to leave to its fate. 

The army was left to sustain itself — miserably paid, 
wretchedly clad, badly supplied, and carelessly governed; 
its honor was supported alone by the patriotism and gal- 
lantry of those who composed it. At the same moment, 
when the navy was withering under the hostility of the 
government and the indifference of the people, the army 
was sinking under the effects of popular fury and execu- 
tive coldness. 

Under such circumstances, troops were raised for the 
defence of the western frontiers. They were not autho- 
rized by Congress without opposition. There were some 



332 DID NOT ENLIST PUBLIC SYMPATHY. 

who objected to the prosecution of any tramontane wars, 
because they doubted the expediency of attempting to 
extend the territorial limits of the United States beyond 
the Alleghenies. Some affected to question the right of 
Congress to acquire new territories, not embraced within 
the actual boundaries of the original States of the con- 
federacy; and some, consulting a timid prudence, foresaw, 
in any attempt to possess the broad lands of the West, by 
military occupancy, a series of bloody and expensive wars 
with the British, the Spaniards, and the countless hordes 
of fierce aborigines, who would be incited and supplied by 
both those powers; while none knew, and few imagined, 
even in the wildest dreams of speculation, the width, 
the fertility, the resources, the inexhaustible treasures 
of national wealth, and the boundless field for individual 
enterprise, which lay concealed in silent splendor amid 
the shadows of the western forests. The troops, therefore, 
who were sent to the West, were not supported by the en- 
thusiasm of national pride; neither the hopes of the people, 
nor the steady confidence of the government, stimulated 
their ambition, or supported them in the patient endurance 
of fatigue and danger. The pride of individual character, 
and the sense of military duty, may do much to sustain 
men under the pressure of danger; but brilliant results 
have seldom attended any military enterprise, which did 
not enlist the sympathies of the people, and hold out the 
bright rewards of fame. 

It should also be recollected, that while the Indians 
possessed greater physical and numerical strength, more 
ardor and confidence than at present, with the same mili- 
tary knowledge and discipline which they now exhibit, 
the tactics of civilized warfare were in a state infinitely 
inferior to that in which we see them. They had not the 
advantage of any of those countless improvements in the 



POWER OF THE INDIANS OVERRATED, 333 

mechanic arts, which have given such completeness and 
finish to the weapons and equipment of the modern sol- 
dier. Their movements were heavy, complicated, and ill 
adapted to partisan warfare. The simplicity, the rapidity 
of evolution, and the concentration of force, which the 
genius of Napoleon, and of the galaxy of brilliant men 
by whom he was surrounded, and opposed, introduced 
into military operations, were then unknown. In the 
comparison, therefore, between the savage and the civilized 
warrior, the Indian occupied a higher ground at that 
period than at the present time ; he has deteriorated, while 
we have advanced. 

A mistaken opinion was long entertained of the prowess, 
as well as of the military capacity of the Indian warrior. 
A variety of circumstances had contributed to invest the 
red men with higher attributes than they really possessed, 
to give them a repute to which they were not entitled, 
and to throw a gratuitous terror around them, which 
caused the courage of the disciplined soldier to sink into 
a mysterious dread as he penetrated into the wilderness, 
and the blood to forsake his cheek, when he heard the 
terrific sound of the war-whoop. It was difficult to over- 
come this panic. The dreadful cruelties of the Indians, 
their butchery of the helpless, their torture of the pris- 
oner, the cunning with which they sometimes entrapped 
their enemies, and the fury with which they rushed upon 
an unprepared or inferior enemy, all contributed to pro- 
duce an awe among the soldiery which was not easily 
removed. A few successes on the part of the savages, 
strengthened the belief in their superiority; and there has 
been more than one period in our history, when they 
gained advantages from the panic created by ignorance of 
their force and their character. 

In addition to all the other unpropitious circumstances 



334 ERRONEOUS SYSTEM OF TACTICS. 

to which we have adverted, was that of being obliged to 
operate in a wilderness, without magazines, without any 
depots of supplies, and through which it was difficult to 
transport the baggage and munitions which were abso- 
lutely indispensable. Entirely cut off from the settled 
parts of the country, an army acting in the West at 
that time, could look for no support in any emergency. 
What they lost in battle could not be supplied by re- 
inforcement ; if their provisions or ammunition became 
destroyed by accident, or diminished by capture, the 
deficiency was irreparable. Months must roll away before 
the government could be advised of any disaster, of any 
change of plan, or other vicissitude which might render 
aid or advice desirable, and even then the feeble hand of 
government could not be moved until it received vitality 
from the tardy action of Congress. 

But perhaps the most efficient cause of the failure of 
the regular troops, on several occasions, was the system 
of tactics used in battle. The troops were formed in 
close order, under the plan of Steuben, which was adapted 
only to the warfare of disciplined armies. Wayne, with 
more judgment, introduced the system of forming his men 
in open order, extending his lines so as to prevent the 
enemy from turning his flanks, and strengthening both 
the rear and flanks by reserves. The same plan was 
adopted by his successors, and by none with more bril- 
liant success than General Harrison, long afterwards, in 
the war of 1812. A regular army thus formed cannot be 
defeated by Indians. 

These remarks occur forcibly to our minds, when we 
contemplate the events of the disastrous campaign of 
St. Clair, and reflect upon the odium incurred by a deserv- 
ing patriot, and the blight which fell upon a brilliant 
character, in consequence of a single military miscarriage. 



st. clair's expedition. 335 

Neither the capacity nor the courage of St. Clair admit 
of doubt. He was a soldier of spotless reputation. His 
talents were commanding, and his experience great. The 
force placed under his command was larger than any that 
had previously acted against the Indians in this region, 
and some of the officers under him were gentlemen of high 
reputation. The object of the campaign was the destruc- 
tion of the Indian towns upon the Mianiies; a purpose 
which, we have seen, had more than once been effected 
by small bodies of men, under less distinguished leaders. 
The army, consisting of about fourteen hundred effective 
troops, moved from Fort Washington in September, 1791, 
and seems to have been conducted with abundant caution. 
Two forts were erected by the army as it proceeded, about 
forty miles from each other, as places of deposit, and rest- 
ing points for the security of convoys which might follow 
the troops, and for the safety of the army itself in case 
of disaster. The march was slow and laborious; delayed 
by the opening of a road, and by the adoption of measures 
of abundant precaution. Two months were occupied in 
tardy marches, enlivened only by occasional skirmishes 
with the enemy. 

The campaigns of Clarke and St. Clair afford, by con- 
trast, admirable illustrations of the different modes of 
warfare adopted against the Indians, while they show, con- 
clusively, the excellence of the one, and utter futility of 
the other. Clarke moved with light troops, unencumbered 
by baggage, and neither halted to establish posts, nor to 
open roads. He marched so rapidly that the enemy had 
no time to penetrate his designs, or anticipate his move- 
ments. The blow fell before they were aware of the point 
at which it was intended to strike — perhaps while they 
were yet ignorant that it was impending ; and he retired 
before the dismay produced by his sudden approach had 



336 CAUSES OF ITS FAILURE. 

subsided, before the shock of the onset could recoil upon 
himself, or the scattered forces of the enemy could be ral- 
lied. St. Clair, at the head of an imposing force, was re- 
tarded by the very strength which was intended to render 
his expedition formidable, and by the precautions used for 
the security of his army, while the enemy avoided his 
approach with facility, impeded his march, and retaliated 
his attacks. The fault was not in the leader, but in the 
plan of the campaign, and the kind of troops employed. 
All that an able commander could effect with such a force, 
under the circumstances by which he was surrounded and 
overruled, was accomplished by General St. Clair. The 
brilliant talents of this brave soldier and veteran patriot 
were exerted in vain in the wilderness. The wariness 
and perseverance of Indian warfare created every day new 
obstacles and unforeseen dangers ; the skill of the experi- 
enced leader was baffled, and undisciplined force prevailed 
over military science. The art of the tactician proved in- 
sufficient, when opposed to a countless multitude of wily 
savages, protected by the labyrinths of the forests, and 
aided by the terrors of the climate. At a moment of 
fancied security, his troops were unexpectedly assailed 
upon all sides, by a numerous and well organized foe, 
who had long been hanging upon his flanks, and had be- 
come intimately acquainted with his strength, his order of 
encampment, and the distribution of his force — who knew 
when to attack, and where to strike. The officers acted 
with their accustomed intrepidity, but the men quickly 
became panic-struck, and a scene of dreadful confusion 
ensued ; and after a short, though gallant resistance, our 
troops commenced a disorderly flight. The Indians pur- 
sued for about four miles, slaughtering all who fell into 
their hands, and filling the air with their yells of triumph, 
until their avidity for plunder called them back to the 



wayne's expedition. 337 

deserted camp, where the spoils of the vanquished troops 
were to be divided among the victors. The flight of the 
dispersed and beaten soldiers was continued to Fort Jef- 
ferson, a distance of thirty miles. The loss on this occa- 
sion, owing to the too close order in which the troops 
were formed, was mournfully great; thirty-eight officers 
and nearly eight hundred men were slain. A committee 
of the House of Representatives in Congress, appointed 
to investigate the causes of the failure of this expedition, 
in the most explicit terms, exculpated the commander-in- 
chief from all blame, and add their opinion, "that as his 
conduct, in all the preparatory arrangements, was marked 
with peculiar ability and zeal, so his conduct during the 
action furnished strong testimony of his coolness and 
intrepidity." Judge Marshall remarks, with his usual 
felicity of manner, "more satisfactory testimony, in favor 
of St. Clair, is furnished by the circumstance, that he still 
retained the undiminished esteem and good opinion of the 
President." 

We shall only allude to the successful campaign of 
General Wayne. It is too well known to require more 
particular notice. By dint of rigid discipline, indefatigable 
exertion, and above all, a remarkable talent for Indian 
warfare, he redeemed the frontier settlements from de- 
struction, and inflicted a heavy vengeance upon our tawny 
neighbors. 

In reference to all these wars, it has never been suffi- 
ciently urged, that they were but a continuation, and a 
protracted sequel to the War for Independence. For years 
after the United States had been acknowledged as a nation, 
Great Britain continued to hold a number of military 
posts within our north-western limits, and to urge a de- 
structive warfare through her savage allies. Though peace 
was nominally established, there was, in fact, no cessation 
29 



338 WITH WHOM WE FOUGHT. 

of hostilities — the seat of war was only transferred to the 
shores of the Ohio, and the mother country never ceased 
to indulge the hope of re-uniting the severed colonies to 
her empire, until the War of 1812 crushed the last vestige 
of her delusive anticipations. It was against Britain 
that St. Clair, Harmar, Wayne, and Harrison fought; and 
they, with others who bled in the western wilds, con- 
tributed as much to the purchase of our independence as 
those who fought for our birthright at an earlier period. 
The struggle for liberty was commenced and gallantly 
maintained on the shores of the Atlantic ; it was carried 
on by the pioneers through long years of peril; and was 
only closed by the brilliant successes of the Last War. 



ANIMOSITY AGAINST THE INDIANS. 339 



CHAPTER XXVI. 



Indian hating — Some of the sources of this animosity — Brief 
account of Colonel Moredock. 



The violent animosity which existed between the people 
of our frontier and the Indians, has long been a subject 
of remark. In the early periods of the history of our 
country, it was easily accounted for, on the ground of 
mutual aggression. The whites were continually en- 
croaching upon the aborigines, and the latter avenging 
their wrongs by violent and sudden hostilities. The 
philanthropist is surprised, however, that such feelings 
should prevail now, when these atrocious wars have ceased, 
and when no immediate cause of enmity remains; at least 
upon our side. Yet the fact is, that the dweller upon the 
frontier continues to regard the Indian with a degree of 
terror and hatred, similar to that which he feels towards 
the rattlesnake or panther, and which can neither be re- 
moved by argument, nor appeased by any thing but the 
destruction of its object. 

In order to understand the cause and the operation of 
these feelings, it is necessary to recollect that the back- 
woodsmen are a peculiar race. We allude to the pioneers, 
who, keeping continually in the advance of civilization, 
precede the denser population of our country in its pro- 
gress westward, and live always upon the frontier. They 



340 ITS CAUSES AND EFFECTS. 

are the descendants of a people whose habits were identi- 
cally the same as their own. Their fathers were pioneers. 
A passion for hunting, and a love for sylvan sports, have 
induced them to recede continually before the tide of 
emigration, and have kept them a separate people, whose 
habits, prejudices and modes of life, have been transmitted 
from father to son with but little change. From gene- 
ration to generation they have lived in contact with the 
Indians. The ancestor met the red men in battle upon 
the shores of the Atlantic, and his descendants have pur- 
sued the footsteps of the retreating tribes, from year to 
year, throughout a whole century, and from the eastern 
limits of our great continent to the wide prairies of the 
West. 

America was settled in an age when certain rights, 
called those of discovery and conquest, were universally 
acknowledged ; and when the possession of a country was 
readily conceded to the strongest. When more accurate 
notions of moral right began, with the spread of know- 
ledge, and the dissemination of religious truth, to prevail 
in public opinion, and regulate the public acts of our 
government, the pioneers were but slightly affected by 
the wholesome contagion of such opinions. Novel pre- 
cepts in morals were not apt to reach men who mingled 
so little with society in its more refined state, and who 
shunned the restraints, while they despised the luxuries 
of social life. Men whose knowledge of history came by 
tradition, who received the facts of the past without the 
philosophy that was necessary to analyze them. 

The pioneers, who thus dwelt ever upon the borders of 
the Indian hunting-grounds, forming a barrier between 
savage and civilized men, have received but few accessions 
to their numbers by emigration. The great tide of emi- 
gration, as it rolls forward, beats upon them, and rolls 



BORDER WARFARE ALWAYS THE SAME. 341 

them onward, without either swallowing them Tip in its 
mass, or mingling its elements with theirs. They accumu- 
late by natural increase ; a few of them return occasion- 
ally to the bosom of society, but the great mass moves on. 

It is not from a desire of conquest, or thirst of blood, 
or with any premeditated hostility against the savage, 
that the pioneer continues to follow him from forest to 
forest, ever disputing with him the right to the soil, and 
the privilege of hunting game. It is simply because he 
shuns a crowded population, delights to rove uncontrolled 
in the woods, and does not believe that an Indian or any 
other man has a right to monopolize the hunting grounds, 
which he considers free to all. When the Indian disputes 
the propriety of this invasion upon his ancient heritage, 
the white man feels himself injured, and stands, as the 
southern folks say, upon his reserved rights. 

The history of the borderers of England and Scotland, 
and of all dwellers upon frontiers, who come often into 
hostile collision, shows, that between such parties an in- 
tense hatred is created. It is national antipathy, with the 
addition of private feud and personal injury. The warfare 
is carried on by a few individuals, who become known 
to each other, and a few prominent actors on each side 
soon become distinguished for their prowess or ferocity. 
When a state of public war ostensibly ceases, acts of vio- 
lence continue to be perpetrated from motives of mere 
mischief, or for pillage or revenge. 

Our pioneers have, as we have said, been born and 
reared on the frontier, and have, from generation to gen- 
eration, by successive removals, remained in the same 
relative situation in respect to the Indians and to our 
own government. Every child thus reared, learns to hate 
an Indian, because he always hears him spoken of as an 
enemy. From the cradle, he listens continually to horrid 



342 CREATES UNAVOIDABLE ILL-FEELING. 

tales of savage violence, and becomes familiar with nar- 
ratives of aboriginal cunning and ferocity. Every family 
can number some of its members or relatives among the 
victims of a midnight massacre, or can tell of some ac- 
quaintance who has suffered a dreadful death at the stake. 
Traditions of horses stolen, and cattle driven off, and 
cabins burned, are numberless, told with great minute- 
ness, and listened to with intense interest. With per- 
sons thus reared, hatred towards an Indian becomes a 
part of their nature, and revenge an instinctive principle. 
Nor does the evil end here. Although the backwoods- 
men, properly so called, retire before that tide of emigra- 
tion which forms the more stationary population, and 
eventually fills the country with inhabitants, they usually 
remain for a time in contact with the first of those who 
eventually succeed them, and impress their own senti- 
ments upon the latter. In the formation of each of the 
western Territories and States, the backwoodsmen have, 
for a while, formed the majority of the population, and 
given the tone to public opinion. 

If we attempt to reason on this subject, we must reason 
with a due regard to facts, and to the known principles 
of human nature. Is it to be wondered at, that a man 
should fear and detest an Indian, who has been always 
accustomed to hear him described only as a midnight 
prowler, watching to murder the mother as she bends 
over her helpless children, and tearing, with hellish ma- 
lignity, the babe from the maternal breast ? Is it strange, 
that he whose mother has fallen under the savage toma- 
hawk, or whose father has died a lingering death at the 
stake, surrounded by yelling fiends in human shape, 
should indulge the passion of revenge towards the perpe- 
trators of such atrocities? They know the story only as 
it was told to them. They have only heard one side, and 



PERSONAL WRONG ANOTHER CAUSE. 343 

that with all the exaggerations of fear, sorrow, indigna- 
tion and resentment. They have heard it from the tongue 
of a father, or from the lij>s of a mother, or a sister, ac- 
companied with all the particularity which the tale could 
receive from the vivid impressions of an eye-witness, and 
with all the eloquence of deeply awakened feeling. They 
have heard it perhaps at a time when the war-whoop still 
sounded in the distance, when the rifle still was kept in 
preparation, and the cabin door was carefully secured with 
each returning night. 

Such are some of the feelings, and of the facts, which 
operate upon the inhabitants of our frontiers. The im- 
pressions which we have described are handed down from 
generation to generation, and remain in full force long 
after all danger from the savages has ceased, and all 
intercourse with them been discontinued. 

Besides that general antipathy which pervades the 
whole community under such circumstances, there have 
been many instances of individuals who, in consequence 
of some personal wrong, have vowed eternal hatred to 
the whole Indian race, and have devoted nearly all of 
their lives to the fulfillment of a vast scheme of vengeance. 
A familiar instance is before us in the life of a gentle- 
man who was known to the writer of this article, and 
whose history we have often heard repeated by those who 
were intimately conversant with all the events. We 
allude to the late Colonel John Moredoek, who was a 
member of the territorial legislature of Illinois, a distin- 
guished militia officer, and a man universally known and 
respected by the early settlers of that region. 

John Moredoek was the son of a woman who was mar- 
ried several times, and was as often widowed by the toma- 
hawk of the savage. Her husbands had been pioneers, 
and with them she had wandered from one territory to 



344 COL. JOHN MOREDOCK. 

another, living always on the frontier. She was at last 
left a widow, at Vincennes, with a large family of children, 
and was induced to join a party about to remove to Illinois, 
to which region a few American families had then re- 
cently removed. On the eastern side of Illinois there 
were no settlements of whites; on the shore of the Mis- 
sissippi a few spots were occupied by the French; and it 
was now that our own backwoodsmen began to turn their 
eyes to this delightful country, and determined to settle 
in the vicinity of the French villages. Mrs. Moredock 
and her friends embarked at Vincennes in boats, with the 
intention of descending the "Wabash and Ohio rivers, and 
ascending the Mississippi. They proceeded in safety 
until they reached the Grand Tower on the Mississippi, 
where, owing to the difficulty of the navigation for as- 
cending boats, it became necessary for the boatmen to 
landj and drag their vessels round a rocky point, which 
was swept by a violent current. Here a party of Indians, 
lying in wait, rushed upon them, and murdered nearly the 
whole party. Mrs. Moredock was among the victims, and 
all her children, except John, who was proceeding with 
another party. 

John Moredock was just entering upon the years of 
manhood, when he was thus left in a strange land, the 
sole survivor of his race. He resolved upon executing 
vengeance, and immediately took measures to discover the 
actual perpetrators of the massacre. It was ascertained 
that the outrage was committed by a party of twenty or 
thirty Indians, belonging to different tribes, who had 
formed themselves into a lawless, predatory band. More- 
dock watched the motions of this band for more than a 
year, before an opportunity suitable for his purpose oc- 
curred. At length he learned that they were hunting on 
the Missouri side of the river, nearly opposite to the recent 



MOREDOCK HUNTS THE INDIANS. 345 

settlements of the Americans. He raised a party of young 
men and pursued them; but that time they escaped. Short- 
ly after, he sought them at the head of another party, and 
had the good fortune to discover them one evening, on 
an island, whither they had retired to encamp the more 
securely for the night. Moredock and his friends, about 
equal in numbers to the Indians, waited until the dead of 
night, and then landed upon the island, turning adrift 
their own canoes and those of the enemy, and determined 
to sacrifice their own lives, or to exterminate the savage 
band. They were completely successful. Three only of 
the Indians escaped, by throwing themselves into the 
river; the rest were slain, while the whites lost not a 
man. 

But Moredock was not satisfied while one of the mur- 
derers of his mother remained. He had learned to recog- 
nise the names and persons of the three that had escaped, 
and these he pursued with secret, but untiring diligence, 
until they all fell by his own hand. Nor was he yet 
satisfied. He had now become a hunter and a warrior. 
He was a square-built, muscular man, of remarkable 
strength and activity. In athletic sports he had few 
equals; few men would willingly have encountered him 
in single combat. He was a man of determined courage, 
and great coolness and steadiness of purpose. He was 
expert in the use of the rifle and other weapons; and was 
complete master of those wonderful and numberless ex- 
pedients by which the woodsman subsists in the forest, 
pursues the footsteps of an enemy with unerring sagacity, 
or conceals himself and his design from the discovery of 
a watchful foe. He had resolved never to spare an In- 
dian, and though he made no boast of this determination, 
and seldom avowed it, it became the ruling passion of his 
life. He thought it praiseworthy to kill an Indian; and 



346 col. moredock's character. 

would roam through the forest silently and alone, for days 
and weeks, with this single purpose. A solitary red man, 
who was so unfortunate as to meet him in the woods, was 
sure to become his victim; if he encountered a party of 
the enemy, he would either secretly pursue their footsteps 
until an opportunity for striking a blow occurred, or, if 
discovered, would elude them by his superior skill. He 
died about the year 1829, an old man, and it is supposed 
never in his life failed to embrace an opportunity to kill 
a savage. 

The reader must not infer, from this description, that 
Colonel Moredock was unsocial, ferocious, or by nature 
cruel. On the contrary, he was a man of warm feelings, 
and excellent disposition. At home he was like other 
men, conducting a large farm with industry and success, 
and gaining the good-will of all his neighbors by his 
popular manners and benevolent deportment. He was 
cheerful, convivial, and hospitable ; and no man in the 
territory was more generally known, or more universally re- 
spected. He was an officer in the ranging service during 
the War of 1813-14, and acquitted himself with credit; 
and was afterwards elected to the command of the militia 
of his county, at a time when such an office was honor- 
able, because it imposed responsibility, and required the 
exertion of military skill. Colonel Moredock was a mem- 
ber of the legislative council of the Territory of Illinois, 
and at the formation of the State government was spoken 
of as a candidate for the office of governor, but refused 
to permit his name to be used. 

There are many cases to be found on the frontier, 
parallel to that just stated, in which individuals have 
persevered through life in the indulgence of a resent- 
ment founded either on a personal wrong suffered by the 
party, or a hatred inherited through successive genera- 



FEELING ON THE FRONTIER. 347 

tions, and perhaps more frequently on a combination of 
these causes. In a fiction, written by the author, and 
founded on some of these facts, he has endeavored to 
develop and illustrate this feeling through its various 
details. 



348 FEW INDUCEMENTS TO EMIGRATION. 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

Character of the Pioneers — Felons — The Harpes — Meason— 
Sturdevant — Lynch' s Law. 

As the western country became better known, report 
spoke goldenly of its fertility; and a casual reference to 
the map was sufficient to show the great commercial ad- 
vantages to be derived from the numerous and valuable 
streams which intersect it in every direction; but there 
were many obstacles to its settlement. From a period 
shortly after the Revolution, to the time of the Embargo, 
in 1807, there was no reason to induce any class of citi- 
zens in the United States to emigrate; all were fully and 
profitably employed at home. The sanguinary wars which 
spread desolation throughout the European continent, not 
only opened markets for all our surplus produce, but 
made us the carriers of other nations. Never did Amer- 
ican enterprise shine more conspicuously than in the 
improvement of these advantages ; the art of ship-build- 
ing was brought to a perfection unknown in any other 
country; our flag floated in every part of the world ; there 
was no adventure, however novel or hazardous, which our 
merchants did not attempt; and our sailors displayed, on 
every occasion, the skill and boldness which has since 
made them conspicuous in the annals of naval warfare. 
Happily, too, those enterprises were generally successful. 
The consequence was, that every man engaged in com- 



FIRST SETTLERS A DARING RACE. 349 

mercial pursuits found sufficient employment for his capi- 
tal, while the laboring classes received high wages, and 
the farmer had always a ready market, and an ample price 
for his produce. This nourishing state of commerce and 
agriculture diffused life and spirit into every rank and 
department of society. There was scarcely such a thing 
known, as a man laboring merely to support his family; 
no one was satisfied unless he was growing rich, and few 
were disappointed, except by their own improvidence. It 
would be useless to point out the great statesmen and 
lawyers who have attained their present eminence from 
an obscure origin; or the wealthy merchants, farmers, 
and mechanics, who, from the most abject poverty, have 
risen to opulence. Our country is full of such examples; 
and they stand as monuments of those happy days, when 
industry was not only a sure but a rapid guide to wealth. 

Under such circumstances, few persons were disposed 
to emigrate to a new country; and, although some were 
tempted by the great prospects of gain which the fertile 
regions in the West were said to offer, many were dis- 
couraged by the unsettled state of the country, its reputed 
unhealthiness, and the vicinity of the Indian tribes. 

To Europeans, this part of America offered no attrac- 
tions ; it was too remote, too insulated, too barbarous, 
and too entirely uncongenial with all their habits, tastes, 
and feelings. 

The first settlers of this country, therefore, were men 
whose object was not gain, but who appeared to have been 
allured by the very difficulties which discouraged others. 
They were hardy, enterprising men, fond of change, and 
familiar with fatigue, who seem to have thought with Fitz 
James — 

" If a path be dangerous known 
The danger's self is lure alone." 



350 FIRST INSTITUTIONS. 

The manners and institutions of a new people are al- 
ways curious — presenting the naked outlines of character, 
the first rudiments of civilization, and all the simple ele- 
ments of society. In New England, the fathers contended 
successfully with the savage and the climate; they made 
laws, burned witches, prohibited kissing, and knocked 
their beer-barrels on the head for working on the Sabbath. 
They had many simple fashions and queer ways, which 
have vanished with their witches and their blue-laws. 
They were not so military in their habits as their proto- 
types in the West; because, though equally brave and en- 
terprising, they were more industrious, more frugal, and 
less mercurial in their temperament. Religion was with 
them a powerful spring of action, and discouraged all wars 
except those of self-defence. The social and moral virtues, 
the sciences and arts, were cherished and respected; and 
there were many roads to office and to eminence, which 
were safer and more certain, and not less honorable, than 
the bloody path of warlike achievement. 

Kentucky was settled at a period when religious fana- 
ticism had vanished, and when the principles of the revo- 
lution, then in full operation, had engendered liberal and 
original modes of thinking — when every man was a poli- 
tician, a soldier, and a patriot, ready to make war or to 
make laws, to put his hand to the plough or to the helm 
of state, as circumstances might require. They went to a 
wilderness, with all these new notions in their heads, full 
of ardor and full of projects, determined to add a new 
State to the family of republics, at all hazards. The rifle 
and the axe were incessantly employed. The savage was 
to be expelled: the panther, the wolf, and the bear, to be 
exterminated; the forest to be razed; houses to be built; 
and when all this was accomplished, their labors were but 
commenced. 



THE HAItrES. 351 

A frontier is often the retreat of loose individuals, who, 
if not familiar with crime, have very blunt perceptions of 
virtue. The genuine woodsman, the real pioneer, is in- 
dependent, brave, and upright; but as the jackal pursues 
the lion to devour his leavings, the footsteps of the sturdy 
hunter are closely pursued by miscreants destitute of his 
noble qualities. These are the poorest and idlest of the 
human race, averse to labor, and impatient of the re- 
straints of law and the courtesies of civilized society. 
Without the ardor, the activity, the love of sport, and pa- 
tience of fatigue, which distinguish the bold backwoods- 
man, these are doomed to the forest by sheer laziness, and 
hunt for a bare subsistence; they are the "cankers of a 
calm world and a long peace," the helpless nobodies, who, 
in a country where none starve and few beg, sleep until 
hunger pinches, then stroll into the woods for a meal, and 
return again to their slumbers. 

A still worse class also infested our borders, desperadoes 
flying from justice, suspected or convicted felons escaped 
from the grasp of the law, who sought safety in the depth of 
the forest, or in the infancy of civil regulations; the horse- 
thief, the counterfeiter, and the robber, found here a secure 
retreat, or a new theatre for the perpetration of crime. 

We have spoken, in another work, of two brothers 
named Harpe, who appeared in Kentucky about the year 
1793, spreading death and terror wherever they went. 
Little else was known of them, but that they passed for 
brothers, and came from the borders of Virginia. They 
had three women with them, who were treated as their 
wives, and several children, with whom they traversed 
the mountainous and thinly settled parts of Virginia into 
Kentucky, marking their course with blood. Their his- 
tory is wonderful, as well from the number and variety, 
as the incredible atrocity of their adventures. 



352 THEIR THIRST FOR BLOOD. 

Passing rapidly through the better settled parts of 
Kentucky, they proceeded to the country south of Green 
river, which at that time was just beginning to be in- 
habited. 

Here they soon acquired a dreadful celebrity. Neither 
avarice, want, nor any of the usual inducements to the 
commission of crime, seemed to govern their conduct. 
A savage thirst for blood — a deep rooted malignity against 
human nature, could alone be discovered in their actions. 
They murdered every defenceless being that fell in their 
way, without distinction of age, sex, or color. In the 
night, they stole secretly to the cabin, slaughtered its 
inhabitants, and burned their dwelling — while the farmer 
who left his house by day, returned to witness the dying 
agonies of his wife and children, and the conflagration of 
his possessions. Plunder was not their object; travelers 
they robbed and murdered, but from the inhabitants they 
took only what would have been freely given to them, 
and no more than was immediately necessary to supply 
the wants of nature ; they destroyed without having suf- 
fered injury, and without the prospect of gain. A negro 
boy, riding to a mill with a bag of corn, was seized by 
them, and his brains dashed out against a tree; but the 
horse which he rode, and the grain, were left unmolested. 
Females, children, and servants, no longer dared to stir 
abroad; unarmed men feared to encounter a Harpe; and 
the solitary hunter, as he trod the forest, looked around 
him with a watchful eye, and when he saw a stranger, 
picked his flint and stood on the defensive. 

It seems incredible that such atrocities could have been 
often repeated in a country famed for the hardihood and 
gallantry of its people; in Kentucky, the cradle of cou- 
rage and the nurse of warriors. But that part of Ken- 
tucky, which was the scene of these barbarities, was then 



MEASON, THE PIRATE. 353 

almost a wilderness, and the vigilance of the Harpes 
for a time insured impunity. The spoils of their dreadful 
warfare furnished them with the means of violence and 
of escape. Mounted on fine horses, they plunged into 
the forest, eluded pursuit by frequently changing their 
course, and appeared, unexpectedly, to perpetrate new 
enormities, at points distant from those where they were 
supposed to lurk. On these occasions, they often left 
their wives and children behind them ; and it is a fact 
honorable to the community, that vengeance for these 
bloody deeds, was not wreaked on the helpless companions 
of the perpetrators. 

A person named Meason was also conspicuous in the 
early history of this region, as an audacious depredator. 
At that period, vast regions along the shores of the Ohio 
and Mississippi were still unsettled, through which boats 
navigating those rivers must necessarily pass ; and the 
traders who, after selling their produce at New Orleans, 
attempted to return by land, had to cross immense tracts 
of country totally destitute of inhabitants. Meason, who 
was a man above the ordinary stamp, in talents, manners, 
and stature, was both a land and a water pirate, infesting 
the rivers and the woods, seldom committing murder, but 
robbing all who fell in his way. Sometimes he plundered 
the descending boats; but more frequently he allowed 
these to pass, preferring to plunder the owners of their 
money as they returned ; and pleasantly remarking that 
"these people were taking produce to market for him." 

At a later period, the celebrated counterfeiter, Sturde- 
vant, fixed his residence on the shore of the Ohio, in Illi- 
nois; and for several years set the laws at defiance. He 
was a man of talent and address. He was possessed of 
much mechanical genius, was an expert artist, and was 
skilled in some of the sciences. As an engraver, he was 
30 



354 STURDEVANT, THE COUNTERFEITER. 

said to have few superiors; and lie excelled in some other 
branches of art. For several years, he resided at a se- 
cluded spot in Illinois, where all his immediate neighbors 
were his confederates, or persons whose friendship he had 
conciliated. He could, at any time, by the blowing of a 
horn, summon from fifty to a hundred armed men to his 
defense; while the few quiet farmers around, who lived 
near enough to get their feelings enlisted, and who were 
really not at all implicated in his crimes, rejoiced in the 
impunity with which he practiced his schemes. He was 
a grave, quiet, inoffensive man in his manners, who com- 
manded the obedience of his comrades and the respect of 
his neighbors. He had a very excellent farm; his house 
was one of the best in the country; his domestic arrange- 
ments were liberal and well ordered. Yet this man was 
the most notorious counterfeiter that ever infested our 
country, and carried on his nefarious art to an extent 
which no other person has ever attempted. His confede- 
rates were scattered over the whole western country, re- 
ceiving, through regular channels of intercourse, their 
supplies of counterfeit bank notes, for which they paid 
him a stipulated price — sixteen dollars in cash for a 
hundred dollars in counterfeit bills. His security arose, 
partly from his caution in not allowing his subordinates 
to pass a counterfeit bill, or do any other unlawful act in 
the State in which he lived, and in his obliging them to 
be especially careful of their deportment in the county of 
his residence, measures which effectually protected him 
from the civil authority; for although all the counterfeit 
bank notes with which a vast region was inundated, were 
made in his house, that fact could never be proved by 
legal evidence. But he secured himself further, by having 
a band of his lawless dependents settled around him, who 
were ready at all times to fight in his defense ; and by 



lynch's law. 355 

his conciliatory conduct, which prevented his having any 
violent enemies, and even enlisted the sympathies of many 
reputable people in his favor. But he became a great 
nuisance, from the immense quantity of spurious paper 
which he threw into circulation ; and although he never 
committed any acts of violence himself, and is not known 
to have sanctioned any, the unprincipled felons by whom 
he was surrounded, were guilty of many acts of desperate 
atrocity; and Sturdevant, though he escaped the arm of 
the law, was at last, with all his confederates, driven from 
the country by the enraged people, who rose, almost in 
mass, to rid themselves of one whose presence they had 
long considered an evil as well as a disgrace. 

Among the early settlers, there was a way of trying 
causes, which may, perhaps, be new to some of my 
readers. No commentator has taken any notice of Lynch's 
law, which was once the lex loci of the frontiers. Its 
operation was as follows : When a horse-thief, a counter- 
feiter, or any other desperate vagabond, infested a neigh- 
borhood, evading justice by cunning, or by a strong arm, 
or by the number of his confederates, the citizens formed 
themselves into a "regulating company" a kind of holy 
brotherhood, whose duty it was to purge the community 
of its unruly members. Mounted, armed, and commanded 
by a leader, they proceeded to arrest such notorious of- 
fenders as were deemed fit subjects of exemplary justice; 
their operations were generally carried on in the night. 
Squire Birch, who was personated by one of the party, 
established his tribunal under a tree in the woods; the 
culprit was brought before him, tried, and generally con- 
victed; he was then tied to a tree, lashed without mercy, 
and ordered to leave the country within a given time, 
under pain of a second visitation. It seldom happened, 
that more than one or two were thus punished ; their 



356 ITS OPERATION SALUTARY. 

confederates took the hint and fled, or were admonished 
to quit the neighborhood. Neither the justice nor the 
policy of this practice can be defended; but it was often 
resorted to from necessity, and its operation was salutary, 
in ridding the country of miscreants whom the law was 
not strong enough to punish. It was liable to abuse, and 
was sometimes abused ; but, in general, it was conducted 
with moderation, and only exerted upon the basest and 
most lawless men. Sometimes the sufferers resorted to 
courts of justice for remuneration, and there have been 
instances of heavy damages being recovered of the regu- 
lators. Whenever a county became strong enough to 
enforce the laws, these high-handed doings ceased to be 
tolerated. 



INTERESTING SKETCH. 357 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

THE PATRIOT'S GRAVE. 

The following sketch, which appeared originally in the 
" Illinois Monthly Magazine," was written for that work 
by a friend of mine, then a young lawyer, but since a dis- 
tinguished member of the bench and bar in Indiana. 

" In the year 1810, business called me into the lower 
part of the State of Kentucky; that part which lies south 
of Green river, and which, at that time, was but little 
advanced in improvement or population. One day — and 
a very hot day it was — the rapid approach of a thunder 
storm induced me to rein up my steed at a log tavern 

in the little town of . Though a stranger in the 

country, I could at once discover, by the ' signs,' that 
something more than common was going on in the vil- 
lage. A large number of people were crowded round the 
door of the inn. Horses of all sizes, colors, and con- 
ditions, whose equipments were as various as themselves, 
were tied to the branches of the forest trees that still 
grew upon the public square. The occasional discharge 
of a rifle, indicated that some of the company were 'cut- 
ting the center,' for half -pints ; while others, who had 
1 the best quarter nags in all Kentuck,' were prancing 
them up and down the streets. The conversation of those 
around me induced me to believe, that the court was hold- 



358 A COURT HOUSE. 

ing its usual session in this seat of backwoods justice ; 
and had a doubt remained, the stentorian voice of the 
sheriff, issuing from the door of a log school-house, with 
the usual 'Oh yes! oh yes! oh yes!' must have satis- 
fied me that a general settlement of the rights of meum 
and tuum was about to take place. I felt a curiosity to 
witness this scene : and having disposed of my portion 
of corn-bread and bacon, which I found at a table sur- 
rounded by a promiscuous throng of jurors, witnesses, 
suitors, lawyers, indictees, spectators, and county officers, 
I concluded to spend the little time I had to remain, in 
personally viewing the dispensation of justice in so rude 
a temple. 

"The house was of a single story, built of logs, unhewed. 
The judge was elevated on a small plank frame, a little 
raised above the puncheon floor. The clerk was placed at 
a small table, directly before him. The members of the 
bar were seated around on temporary benches, made of 
rough planks, placed upon blocks of wood; but could not 
be distinguished, by their appearance, from the people who 
sat with, or stood around them. The usual forms and 
ceremonies of opening a court were gone through with 
a celerity and precision that would have astonished a 
Westminster lawyer. * * * * * The first case on 
the civil docket was an action of slander, brought by a 
father — an old soldier and an early settler — as 'guardian 
and next friend,' for words 'falsely and maliciously ut- 
tered, published, and spoken,' by the defendant, ' of and 
concerning' the plaintiff's daughter, a lovely girl of about 
seventeen. On the calling of the cause, a person's name 
was mentioned which I did not distinctly hear; there was 
a bustle in the crowd; and after a few minutes of pushing 
and elbowing, an individual appeared, who announced that 
he was ready to proceed, as counsel for the plaintiff. He 



A backwoods' trial. 359 

was a tall, athletic man, of about thirty-five years of 
age with a fine, manly, intelligent countenance — dressed 
in a hunting shirt of deep blue, trimmed with yellow 
fringe. His face bore those indubitable marks of genius, 
and those traces of study and reflection, which can not 
be mistaken ; while his fine form bore evidence, equally 
strong, of habitual fatigue and exposure to the elements. 
I pass over the incidents of the trial — the evidence, which 
fully sustained the plaintiff, and left the pretty client of 
the buckskin lawyer pure and spotless as the driven 
snow — and several speeches, which, though strong and 
forcible, did not strike me as extraordinary. During all 
this, the manner of the stranger in the hunting shirt 
was distinguished by little else than an appearance of 
indifference; but when he rose to make the concluding 
address to the jury, every eye was fixed on him; while 
the deep silence, the suppressed breathing, and the eager 
looks of the audience, attested that a sense of the presence 
of a superior mind pervaded the whole assembly. Even 
that rough and miscellaneous crowd — composed of men, 
some sober, some half sober, and some not sober at all — 
was at once awed into silence. The orator commenced 
in a low tone of voice, and recapitulated the evidence 
in a style of colloquial brevity and plainness ; yet even 
in doing this, there was a something about him, that con- 
vinced the spectator that he was more than an ordinary 
man. But when he began to warm, and rise with his 
subject; when the fire began to illumine his eye, and his 
voice swelled out into its fullest tones; when every sen- 
tence was filled and rounded with rich thought and richer 
language; when argument and satire, persuasion and in- 
vective, burst from him in rapid succession, the orator 
stood confessed in all his powers. He spoke of the 
beauty, the delicacy, and the amiability of his fair client; 



360 AN ORATOR. 

of the helplessness of woman, and the sacredness of 
female character; he described her parent as an aged war- 
rior, now trembling on the brink of the grave; and of 
the traducer he spoke — I can not tell how — but all who 
heard him shrunk and trembled under the fierce, the 
bitter, the overwhelming philippic of the indignant ad- 
vocate. When he finished, the success of his effort was 
shown by a triumphant verdict from the jury, and by 
the indignation, the tears, and the acclamations of the 
audience, who rushed from the house, when the orator 
sat down, as if unable to suppress their feelings. I fol- 
lowed them out. The charm was broken ; the people had 
resumed the use of their own faculties, and were now col- 
lected in groups. Passing a little party, I heard one say: 

" 'Did you ever hear a fellow get such a skinning?' 

" ' It was equal to any campliirej remarked another. 

" ' That 's true ; and well he deserved it,' added a third, 
' there 's no tivo toays about it.' 

" ' Can you tell me,' said I, addressing one of them, 
who leaned on his gun, while he wiped his eye with the 
fringe of his hunting shirt, ' can you tell me the name 
of the gentleman who has just spoken?' 

" ' You are not a residenter in these parts, I reckon ;' 
said he of the rifle. 

"'lama perfect stranger;' replied I. 

"' That is well seen,' rejoined the hunter, 'otherwise you 
would never have asked that question. What man in all 
Kentuck could ever have brung tears into my eyes by the 
tin-full, but Joe Davies ! ' 

" I had seen, in the guise of a hunter, the highly gifted 
Joseph Hamilton Davies — and had heard, in the obscurity 
of a log cabin, one of the choicest efforts of a man who 
has seldom been excelled in genius, in generosity of 
heart, or manliness of character. 



THE BATTLE-FIELD. 361 

"Ten years afterwards, business again called me to the 
West. Anxious to view the improvement of this pro- 
mising country, I extended my journey to the beautiful 
valley of the Wabash. At that period, the population 
had not extended a great distance up the river. Here 
and there, even as far up as the mouth of Mississinaway, 
was seen the log hut of the settler on public land, but 
the country was generally but thinly populated. It was 
the spring season ; and no country in the world presents 
a richer scenery or more diversified landscape than the 
valley of that lovely river at this period of the year. 
Along the path which I pursued, one small prairie skirted 
with the finest timber, and covered with a profusion of 
beautiful flowers, succeeded another; and the eye was 
continually refreshed with the graceful stream and its 
clear waters. The richness of the grass, the beauty of 
the forest, the mildness and brilliancy of the spring- 
weather, and the enchantment of the whole scene, induced 
me to linger for a time in the wilderness. One evening 
I reached the cabin of one of the most remote settlers, 
and learning that the battle-ground of Tippecanoe was 
but a few miles distant, determined to visit it. On the 
following morning early, I reached the spot, consecrated 
by the valor of our countrymen, and having tied my 
horse to a bush at the skirt of the prairie, ascended to a 
small plain of table land, in the form of a horseshoe, 
where 

{ Many a valorous deed was done, 
And many a head laid low. ' 

But few vestiges of the battle were remaining. Hero 
and there, the bleached skull of some noble fellow lay 
on the grass ; and more than once I stumbled over the 
logs which had formed part of the temporary breast-work 
thrown up after the battle, and which have since been 
31 



362 THE GRAVE. 

scattered over the field. At an angle of the encampment, 
and where the carnage had been greatest, was a slight 
mound of earth, scarcely raised above the surrounding 
surface. Near it stood an oak tree, on the back of which 
the letters J. D. were rudely carved. This was the only 
memorial of one of the most favorite of Kentucky's sons; 
for under that mound reposed all that remained of the 
chivalrous, the generous, the eloquent, and highly gifted 
1 Joe Davies' " Indiana." 

Joseph Hamilton Davies was a very remarkable person, 
an able lawyer, a speaker of impressive eloquence, a high- 
toned, chivalrous, impulsive, but eccentric man. He some- 
times rode the circuit in his carriage, or on horseback, 
and was the best dressed gentleman in court; while some- 
times he went, rifle in hand, clad as a hunter, deviating 
from his way in pursuit of game, and appearing at the bar 
in the soiled habiliments of the sportsman ; but whether 
in the forest, or at the bar, following up his objects with 
an earnestness which was satisfied with nothing short of 
success. 

He served as a volunteer under General Harrison, in 
the campaign of 1811 against the Indians, and fell, gal- 
lantly fighting, in the battle of Tippecanoe. 

He was one of a clique of gentlemen who established 
and supported a newspaper called the "Western World," 
during the excitement occasioned by the foreign intrigues, 
and by Burr's conspiracy, one of the avowed objects of 
which was to expose those transactions, and to denounce 
the individuals supposed to be engaged in them. The 
paper was conducted with ability and spirit, but was dis- 
tinguished, as the organ of a party would naturally be in 
such times, by violence and rancor; and the principal 
editor, Joseph M. Street, was often obliged to sustain 



THE WESTERN WORLD. 363 

his position by his physical prowess. His partner, Mr. 
"Wood, when called upon for satisfaction, used to say, " Go 
to Mr. Street; I print the paper, he does the fighting." 

Davies was, I think, during a part of this time, the 
attorney of the United States, and his natural ardor of 
temperament was quickened by professional ambition. A 
characteristic instance is related of his zeal in this busi- 
ness. A rumor having reached him, that General Wil- 
kinson, who was then holding a military command at 
St. Louis, contemplated a movement in aid of Burr, he 
determined to repair to St. Louis, incog., to observe for 
himself what was going on. Informing no one of his 
intention, he set out, rifle in hand, dressed as a common 
backwoodsman, and took his solitary way across the wil- 
derness of Indiana and Illinois, where, probably, not a 
human dwelling was to be found on his route. He de- 
pended on his gun for subsistence, and slept at night in 
such camps as he could construct for the occasion. On 
reaching St. Louis, one of the first persons he met was 
Wilkinson, a keen, watchful, observant man, who instantly 
recognized him, notwithstanding his disguise, and with 
the address natural to him, accosted him by name, and 
invited him to dine with him at his quarters. Both were 
men of tact, and the interview was courteous, and appa- 
rently cordial; but Wilkinson managed to inform his 
guest that the purpose of his visit was understood, that 
he had nothing to conceal, and there was nothing that 
even the sagacity of his visitor could discover. So Davies 
came back as wise as he went; yet, it was afterwards 
argued, as a proof of the complicity of Wilkinson with 
Burr, that the movements of Davies must have been 
watched, and betrayed to him. 

After these events — some years perhaps — Wilkinson 
was provoked, by the repeated and confident attacks of 



364 AN ANECDOTE. 

the "Western World," to prosecute the editors for a libel. 
On the trial, a gentleman of the neighborhood of Lex- 
ington, a young farmer, was called as a witness for the 
defense, who objected to being sworn, on the ground, that 
he knew nothing but what had been committed to him in 
confidence. General Wilkinson arose instantly, and after 
complimenting the witness on his nice sense of honor, 
and the good faith with which he had, up to this time, 
kept his own counsel, in reference to what had been 
confided to him, said that he now publicly absolved him 
from all further observance of the pledge he had given, 
and that he was at liberty then, and thereafter, to disclose 
all that had taken place between them. The witness was 
then sworn, and deposed, that some time previous, being 
a young man, not yet engaged in business, but eager for 
employment, and especially for something active and ad- 
venturous, he one day met General Wilkinson in the 
streets of Lexington. They were unacquainted, but knew 
each other by sight, and Wilkinson accosting the young 
man by name, asked him if he would undertake a mis- 
sion of some danger, but for which he would be well com- 
pensated. Replying in the affirmative, he was pledged to 
secresy, and invited to a private interview; at which Wil- 
kinson handed him a belt, that seemed to contain papers, 
to be worn concealed about his person, and guarded with 
great care, which he was to take to New Orleans, and de- 
liver to the Governor of Louisiana. Accepting the trust, 
he proceeded to the Ohio river, embarked in a canoe, or 
skiff, and glided down the Ohio and Mississippi, whose 
shores were then mostly uninhabited by white men, and 
were infested by Indians. On his arrival at New Orleans 
he sought the mansion of the Governor, and announcing 
himself as the messenger of Wilkinson, was at once ad- 
mitted to the presence of that dignitary. He was received 



A LEGISLATIVE SCENE. 365 

with civility, lodged in the Governor's house, hospitably 
entertained, but not allowed to leave his room, during his 
stay in New Orleans. After a few days detention, his belt 
was restored to him, again charged, as he supposed, with 
papers, to be delivered to General Wilkinson, which he 
did not see, and of the purport of which he was wholly 
ignorant. He returned through the wilderness to Ken- 
tucky, met Wilkinson again, in a private interview, and 
delivered up his trust. They had not spoken together 
since. 

I shall close this desultory chapter with a reminiscence. 
About the year 1829, the discovery of rich and extensive 
lead mines in the north-western part of Illinois, beyond 
the frontier of the settlements, caused a sudden influx of 
population into that region, and created a necessity for 
the organization of a new county. A bill was introduced 
into the Lower House of the Legislature, for an act cre- 
ating a county to be called Davies. A young lawyer, 
from one of the Eastern States, a member of the House, 
who was gifted with a great love of speaking and facility 
of speech, expressed a curiosity to know who this "Davies" 
was, who had been honored so highly by the committee 
which reported that bill; he had never heard of a great 
man of that name; and thought it would be much better 
to select the name of some illustrious sage or hero of the 
Revolution; throwing in, as he went along, some sneers 
about " Western great men," whose fame was confined to 
the backwoods. My old friend, John Reynolds, who had 
been a justice of the Supreme Court of Illinois, was then a 
member of the House, and was afterwards Governor, and 
member of Congress, had charge of the bill. He was a 
Kentuckian by birth; a good lawyer; a plain, unpolished 
man ; a quaint, original, and effective speaker, who, with 
the most perfect command of his own temper, could pour 



366 A COUNTY NAMED. 

out a vein of dry humor and sarcasm, very amusing to an 
audience, though little relished by an opponent. He re- 
plied that his young friend must have been raised very 
far down East, to be ignorant of the fame of Joe Davies; 
the whole West had rung his praise; in Kentucky there 
was not a boy big enough to hold a plough, or carry a 
rifle, nor an old woman who was smart enough to knit a 
stocking, who had not heard of Joe Davies — the talented, 
the eloquent, the brave Joe Davies ! And so he went on, 
saying a good many amusing, and some severe things; 
but alluding throughout to his hero as Joe Davies. 
Amid much merriment, the member who had provoked 
these remarks, replied: "Well, Mr. Speaker, if the gentle- 
man is so partial to the name of Joe Davies. and thinks 
it so vastly popular, why does he not christen his bant- 
ling by that name — the whole name? : ' " Agreed V said 
Reynolds. "Mr. Speaker, I accept the gentleman's sug- 
gestion, and move to insert Joe before the word Davies, 
wherever it occurs. " A dozen voice3 seconded the 
motion ; the county was called Jo-Davies by acclamation, 
and still retains the name. 



APPENDIX. 



MEETING OF THE PROPRIETORS OF TRANSYLVANIA. 

At a meeting of the proprietors of Transylvania, held 
at Oxford, in the county of Granville, on Monday, the 
twenty-fifth day of September, Ann. Dom. 1775, 

Present, Col. Richard Henderson, Col. Thomas Hart, 
Col. John Williams, Capt. John Luttrell, William John- 
ston, James Hogg, and Leonard H. Bullock. Col. Hen- 
derson being unanimously chosen president, they took 
into their consideration the present state of the said 
Colony, and made the following resolves, viz. : — 

Resolved, That Col. John Williams be appointed agent 
for the Transylvania Company, to transact their business 
in the said Colony; and he is accordingly invested with 
full power, by letter of attorney. 

Ordered, that Mr. Williams shall proceed to Boons- 
borough, in the said Colony, as soon as possible, and con- 
tinue there until the twelfth day of April next : and to be 
allowed for his services one hundred and fifty pounds, 
proclamation money of North Carolina, out of the profits 
arising from the sale of lands, after discharging the com- 
pany's present engagements. 

N. B. In case the settlement should be broken up by 
attack of Indians or other enemies, so as to render it im- 
possible for Mr. Williams to continue there and execute 
the trust reposed in him, it is agreed by the Company 

(367) 



368 APPENDIX. 

that he shall still be paid the above salary, at the expira- 
tion of three years. 

Resolved, That Mr. Williams be empowered to appoint 
one or more surveyors (and the other officers in the land 
office) for the said Colony, as he may find necessary. 
Clerks, surveyors, and chain-carriers, to be sworn before 
they act. 

Resolved, In case of the death or removal of Mr. Wil- 
liams, that Col. Richard Henderson, Capt. Nathaniel Hart, 
and Capt. John Luttrell, or any one of them, be, and are 
hereby declared agents for the said company, with the 
same powers as are given to Mr. Williams, until a new 
appointment shall be made by the proprietors. 

Resolved, That the agent shall not grant any lands ad- 
joining salt springs, gold, silver, copper, lead, or sulphur 
mines, knowing them to be such. 

Resolved, That a reservation, to the proprietors, of one- 
half of all gold, silver, copper, lead, and sulphur mines, 
shall be made by the agent at granting deeds. 

Resolved, That the agent shall take a counterpart of all 
deeds granted by him, and shall transmit them to the 
proprietors residing in the province of North Carolina, to 
be audited with his other proceedings, by the company. 

Resolved, That all surveys shall be made by the four 
cardinal points, except where rivers or mountains so in- 
tervene as to render it too inconvenient: and that in all 
cases where one survey comes within the distance of eighty 
poles from another, their lines shall join without excep- 
tion ; 

And that every survey on navigable rivers shall extend 
two poles out for one pole along the river ; 

And that each survey not on navigable rivers shall not 
be above one-third longer than its width ; 

Resolved, That a present of two thousand acres of land 



APPENDIX. 369 

be made to Col. Daniel Boone, with the thanks of the 
proprietors for the signal services he has rendered to the 
company. 

Resolved, That the thanks of this company be pre- 
sented to Col. Richard Callaway, for his spirited and 
manly behaviour in behalf of the said Colony : and that 
a present of six hundred and forty acres of land be made 
to his youngest son. 

Resolved, That James Hogg, Esq., be appointed dele- 
gate to represent the said Colony in the Continental 
Congress now sitting at Philadelphia ; and that the fol- 
lowing memorial be presented by him to that august 
body. 

To the Honorable the Continental Congress now sitting at 

Philadelphia. 
The memorial of Richard Henderson, Thomas Hart, John 
Williams, Nathaniel Hart, John Luttrell, "William 
Johnston, James Hogg, David Hart, and Leonard 
Henly Bullock, proprietors of Transylvania, 
Sheweth, 

That on the seventeenth day of March last, for a large 
and valuable consideration, your memorialists obtained 
from the Cherokee Indians assembled at Watauga, a grant 
of a considerable territory, now called Transylvania, lying 
on the south side of the river Ohio. 

They will not trouble the honorable Congress with a 
detail of the risks and dangers to which they have been 
exposed, arising from the nature of the enterprise itself, 
as well as from the wicked attempts of certain governors 
and their emissaries; they beg leave only to acquaint 
them, that through difficulties and dangers, at a great 
expense, and with the blood of several of their follow- 
ers, they have laid the foundation of a Colony, which, 



370 APPENDIX. 

however mean in its origin, will, if one may guess from 
present appearances, be one day considerable in America. 

The memorialists having made this purchase from the 
aborigines and immemorial possessors, the sole and uncon- 
tested owners of the country, in fair and open treaty, 
and without the violation of any British or American law 
whatever, are determined to give it up only with their 
lives. And though their country be far removed from 
the reach of ministerial usurpation, yet they cannot look 
with indifference on the late arbitrary proceedings of the 
British Parliament. If the united Colonies are reduced, 
or will tamely submit to be slaves, Transylvania will have 
reason to fear. 

The memorialists by no means forget their allegiance 
to their sovereign, whose constitutional rights and pre- 
eminences they will support at the risk of their lives. 
They flatter themselves that the addition of a new Colony, 
in so fair and equitable a way, and without any expense 
to the crown, will be acceptable to his most gracious 
majesty, and that Transylvania will soon be worthy of 
his royal regard and protection. 

At the same time, having their hearts warmed with the 
same noble spirit that animates the united Colonies, and 
moved with indignation at the late ministerial and parlia- 
mentary usurpations, it is the earnest wish of the pro- 
prietors of Transylvania to be considered by the Colonies 
as brethren, engaged in the same great cause of liberty 
and of mankind. And, as by reason of several circum- 
stances, needless to be here mentioned, it was impossible 
for the proprietors to call a convention of the settlers in 
such time as to have their concurrence laid before this 
Congress, they here pledge themselves for them, that 
they will concur in the measures now adopted by the 
proprietors. 



APPENDIX. 371 

From the generous plan of liberty adopted by the Con- 
gress, and that noble love of mankind which appears in 
all their proceedings, the memorialists please themselves 
that the united Colonies will take the infant Colony of 
Transylvania into their protection ; and they, in return, 
will do every thing in their power, and give such assist- 
ance in the general cause of America, as the Congress 
shall judge to be suitable to their abilities. 

Therefore, the memorialists hope and earnestly request, 
that Transylvania may be added to the number of the 
united Colonies, and that James Hogg, Esq., be received 
as their delegate, and admitted to a seat in the honorable 
the Continental Congress. 

By order of the Proprietors. 

Signed, Kichd. Henderson, President 

Resolved, That Mr. Hogg be empowered to treat and 
contract with any person or persons who may incline to 
purchase lands from the company, and that he be allowed 
his expenses for transacting the above business. 

Resolved, That the united thanks of this company 
be presented to Colo. Richard Henderson, Captain Na- 
thaniel Hart, and Captain John Luttrell, for their emi- 
nent services and public spirited conduct, in settling the 
aforesaid Colony. 

Resolved, That from this time to the first day of June, 
one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six, the lands 
in the said Colony shall be sold on the following terms: 

No survey of land shall contain more than six hundred 
and forty acres, (except in particular cases,) and the 
purchaser shall pay for entry and warrant of survey two 
dollars; for surveying the same, and a plot thereof, four 
dollars; and for the deed and plot annexed, two dollars. 
And also shall pay to the said proprietors, their agent, 



372 APPENDIX.' 

or receiver for the time being, at the time of receiving a 
deed, two pounds ten shilling sterling for each hundred 
acres contained in such deed; also, an annual quit-rent of 
two shillings, like money, for every hundred acres, com- 
mencing in the year one thousand seven hundred and 
eighty. 

And that any person who settles on the said lands 
before the first day of June, one thousand seven hundred 
and seventy-six, shall have the priviledge, on the afore- 
said conditions, of taking up for himself any quantity not 
above six hundred and forty acres; and for each taxable 
person he may take with him, and settle there, three 
hundred and twenty acres, and no more. 

Resolved, That Colo. Richard Henderson survey and 
lay off, within the said Colony, in such places and in 
such quantities as he shall think proper, not less than 
two hundred thousand acres, hereafter to be equally 
divided amongst the copartners, or their representatives, 
according to their rateable part, (as fully set forth in the 
articles of agreement entered into by the copartners,) 
and that each copartner be permitted, by himself or his 
deputy, to make choice of, and survey in one or more 
places, any quantity of vacant land in the aforesaid 
Colony, for his or their particular use; but not above 
two thousand acres, and that agreeable to the aforesaid 
rateable proportions, unless on the same terms, and under 
the same regulations and restrictions, as laid down for 
other purchasers. 

Resolved, That not more than five thousand acres shall 
be sold to any one person who does not immediately 
settle on the said lands; and that at three pounds ten 
shillings sterling per hundred, and not more than one 
hundred thousand acres in the whole on these terms. 

Resolved. That the agent deliver what money he may 



APPENDIX. 373 

have received for the sale of land to Colo. Thomas Hart 
when he leaves the said Colony, and that Colo. Hart, 
pay what money may be due from the company to 
the people at Watauga on his return ; and that the re- 
mainder be applyed to the payment of the company's 
other debts. Also, that the agent take the first safe op- 
portunity of remitting what further sums he may receive 
thereafter to William Johnston, treasurer, to be by him 
applyed towards paying off the company's debts. 

Resolved, That William Johnston be impowered to bar- 
gain and contract with any persons inclining to purchase 
lands in the said Colony. 

Ordered, That Mr. Johnston do, in behalf of the pro- 
prietors, accommodate Mr. Peter Hay, merchant, (at Cross 
Creek, Cumberland County, North Carolina,) with a 
present of one thousand acres of land in the said Colony, 
for his friendly behaviour towards the company; or, in 
lieu thereof, that Mr. Hay be permitted to purchase ten 
thousand acres, without being obliged to settle the same, 
at two pounds ten shillings sterling per hundred acres, 
subject to office fees and quit-rents. 

Resolved, That a present of six hundred and forty acres 
of land be made to the Reverend Mr. Henry Patillo, on 
condition that he will settle in the said Colony. 

Resolved, That the agent duly attend to the above re- 
solves, unless when the interest of the company makes 
the contrary necessary. 

By order of the Proprietors. 

Richd. Henderson, Prest. 



Silas Deane to James Hogg, November, 1775. 

At the time of granting the New England charters, the 
crown of Great Britain had no idea of any real interest 



374 APPENDIX. 

or property in the American lands. The pope, as vicar of 
Christ, pretended, very early, to have an absolute right, 
in fee simple, to the earth and all that was therein ; but 
more particularly to the countries and persons of heretics, 
which he constantly gave away among his favourites. 
When the crown of Great Britain threw off its submis- 
sion to the- pope, or, in other words, by setting itself at 
the head of the Church, became pope of Great Britain, 
this old, whimsically arrogant nation was, in degree, re- 
strained; and Queen Elizabeth, in the year 1579, most 
graciously gave to Sir Walter Baleigh all North America, 
from the latitude 34° north, to 48° north; and extend- 
ing west, to the great Pacific ocean ; to which immense 
territory she had no more right or title than she had to 
the empire of China. On Sir Walter's attainder, this was 
supposed to revert to the crown, and, in 1606, James I., 
in consequence of the same principle, granted the south 
part of the above, to a company then called the London 
Company; and, in 1620, granted the northernmost part 
to a company called the Plymouth Company, containing 
within its bounds all the lands from 40° to 45° north 
latitude, and west to the South Seas. This company 
granted, in 1631, to certain persons, that tract described 
in this charter, which you will see was very liberal, and 
rendered them (as in reality they were) independent of 
the crown for holding their lands ; they having, at their 
own expense, purchased or conquered them from the 
natives, the original and sole owners. 

The settlement of Connecticut began in 1634, when 
they came into a voluntary compact of government, and 
governed under it, until their charter, in 1662, without 
any difficulty. They were never fond of making many 
laws; nor is it good policy in any state, but the worst of 
all in a new one. The laws, or similar ones to those 



APPENDIX. 375 

which I have turned down to, are necessary in a new 
colony, in which the highest wisdom is to increase, as 
fast as possible, the inhabitants, and at the same time to 
regulate them well. 

The first is to secure the general and unalienable rights 
of man to the settlers : without this, no inhabitants, worth 
having, will adventure. This, therefore, requires the 
closest and earliest attention. 

Next to this, is the mode or rule by which civil actions 
may be brought, or the surest ways and means by which 
every individual may obtain his right. 

Then a provision for the safety of the community 
against high-handed offenders, house-breakers, &c. 

There are two ways of regulating a community; one by 
correcting every offender, and the other to prevent the 
offence itself; to effect the latter, education must be at- 
tended to as a matter of more importance than all the 
laws which can be framed, as it is better to be able to 
prevent, than after, to correct a disease. 

Peace officers will be necessary, and these ought to be 
chosen by the people, for the people are more engaged to 
support an officer of their own in the execution of his 
trust, than they will ever be in supporting one forced 
upon them. 

Some regulation of civil courts ought early to be made; 
the most simple and least expensive is best; an honest 
judge will support his dignity without a large salary, and 
a dishonest one can have no real dignity at any rate. 
The General Assembly must be the supreme fountain of 
power in such a state, in constituting which every free 
man ought to have his voice. The elections should be 
frequent, at least annually; and to this body every officer 
ought to be amenable for his conduct. 

Every impediment in the way of increase of people 



376 APPENDIX. 

should be removed — of course, marriage must be made 
easy. 

Overgrown estates are generally the consequence of 
an unequal division of interest, left by a subject at bis 
decease. This is prevented by an equal or nearly equal 
right of inheritance. This has taken place in all the 
N. England colonies, and in Pennsylvania, to their great 
emolument. 

All fees of office ought to be stated and known, and 
they should be stated as low as possible. 

Some crimes are so dangerous in their tendency, that 
capital punishments are necessary; the fewer of these, 
consistent with the safety of the state, the better. 

There ought to be some terms on which a man becomes 
free of the community. They should be easy and simple; 
and every one encouraged to qualify himself in character 
and interest to comply with them ; and these terms should 
be calculated to bind the person in the strongest manner, 
and engage him in its interest. 

A new colony, in the first place, should be divided into 
small townships or districts, each of which ought to be 
impowered to regulate their own internal affairs ; and to 
have and enjoy every liberty and privilege not inconsis- 
tent with the good of the whole. 

Tenure of lands is a capital object, and so is the mode 
of taking out grants for, and laying them out. If indi- 
viduals are permitted to engross large tracts, and lay 
tpem out as they please, the population of the country 
will be retarded. 

Precarious must be the possession of the finest country 
in the world, if the inhabitants have not the means and 
skill of defending it. A militia regulation must, there- 
fore, in all prudent policy, be one of the first. 

Though entire liberty of conscience ought every-where 



APPENDIX. 377 

to be allowed, yet the keeping up among a people, a 
regular and stated course of divine worship, has such 
beneficial effects, that the encouragement thereof deserves 
the particular attention of the magistrate. 

Forms of oaths are ever best, as they are concise, and 
carry with them a solemn simplicity of appeal to the 
Divine Being ; and to preserve their force, care should be 
had to avoid too frequent a repetition of them, and on 
ordinary occasions. 

The preservation of the peace, being the capital object 
of government, no man should, be permitted, on any 
occasion, to be the avenger of the wrongs he has, or con- 
ceives he has, received; but if possible, every one should 
be brought to submit to the decision of the law of the 
country in every private as well as public injury. 

Providing for the poor is an act of humanity ; but to 
prevent their being numerous and burthensome to the 
society, is at once humane and an act of the highest and 
soundest policy; and to effect it, the education of chil- 
dren, and the manners of the lower orders, are constantly 
to be attended to. 

As, in a well ordered government, every one's person 
and property should be equally secure, so each should 
pay equally, or on the same scale, for the expenses in 
supporting the same. 

In a new and wild country, it will be deemed, perhaps, 
impossible to erect schools; but the consequences are so 
great and lasting, that every difficulty ought to be en- 
countered rather than give up so necessary, so important 
an institution. A school will secure the morals and man- 
ners, and, at the same time, tend to collect people together 
in society, and promote and preserve civilization. 

The throwing a country into towns, and allowing these 
towns particular privileges, like corporations, in England 
32 



378 APPENDIX. 

or America, tends to unite the people, and as in the least 
family there is, generally, the best economy, so these 
towns will conduct the internal and domestic prudentials 
better than larger bodies, and give strength, soundness 
and solidity to the basis of the state. 

Sir, — You have, in the foregoing, the outlines of the 
policy of the Connecticut government, in as concise a view 
as I could; the great and leading principles of which will, 
I conceive, apply to any new state ; and the sooner they 
are applied the better it will be for the health and pros- 
perity of the rising community. 

An equal and certain security of life, liberty and prop- 
erty; an equal share in the rights of legislation, and an 
equal distribution of the benefits resulting from society ; 
with an early attention to the principles, morals and 
manners of the whole, are the great first principles of a 
good government, and these well fixed, lesser matters will 
easily and advantageously adjust, as I may say, them- 
selves. I am far from thinking our system is entirely fit 
for you, in every point. It has grown up and enlarged 
itself, as we have grown. Its principal features are worth 
your attending to; and, if I had leisure, would point out, 
more particularly, which part I think you might adopt 
immediately, what additions are necessary, and why some 
parts should be rejected. But I will, if possible, give you, 
after your perusal of this, the general heads of what, 
from my little reading and observation, I think to be the 
most simple, and, consequently, the best plan of govern- 
ment. I am, Sir, yours, 

S. DEANE. 

Thursday morning, 2d Nov. 1775. 

Two laws, I see, I have run over without noting upon : 
the one is, for punishing vagabonds, by setting them to 



APPENDIX. 379 

hard labour. The other, for the punishment of theft, which 
you may think too light, but I think too severe; or, in 
other words, I would avoid infamous punishments, such as 
cropping, branding, whipping, &c, and substitute hard 
labour in their stead. 



COPY OF A LETTER TO PATRICK HENRY. 

Hillsborough, April 26th, 1775. 
Sir, — The late meeting of the delegates, from the seve- 
ral counties, cities, and boroughs, in his majesty's antient 
Colony and Dominion of Virginia, at Kichmond, was an 
event which raised the expectations and attracted the at- 
tention of the whole British America, as well on account 
of the acknowledged wisdom and public integrity of the 
delegates, as the important and interesting purposes of 
that numerous and respectable Convention. The copart- 
ners in the purchase of lands, on Louisa, from the Indians, 
neither intending by their distant and hazardous enter- 
prize, to revolt from their allegiance to their sovereign, 
nor yet to desert the grand and common cause of their 
American brethren and fellow subjects, in their manly and 
glorious struggle for the full enjoyment of the natural 
rights of mankind, and the inestimable liberties and privi- 
ledges of our happy constitution, were anxious to know 
the result of the wise and mature deliberations of the 
Convention, and particular in their enquiries concerning 
the several matters which became the subject of consider- 
ation in that august assembly. It was not long before we 
learnt the particulars from some of the members, and that 
the minute circumstances of our contract with the Chero- 
kee Indians had occasionally been moved and debated. 
The true point of view in which, we are told, you, with 



380 APPENDIX. 

several other gentlemen, conceived the nature of the con- 
tract, and the eloquence and good sense with which you 
defended, and the liberal principles on which you sup- 
ported our claim to the benefit of our engagement with 
the Indians, in addition to the universal applause of the 
whole continent, for your noble and patriotick exertions, 
give you an especial claim to our particular acknowledge- 
ments, of which we take this earliest opportunity of beg- 
ging your acceptance. It would, Sir, have afforded us the 
most singular satisfaction to have had it in our power to 
give you a more substantial evidence of our gratitude. 
Yet we conceive the generous disinterestedness of your 
principles and publick conduct to be such, that even 
our thanks may be more than you expected or wished 
for. We hope, however, that our wishes to make known 
our gratitude to you, will be considered as a sufficient 
apology for our having given you the trouble of this 
letter. 

Convinced that our purchase is neither against the laws 
of our country, nor the principles of natural justice and 
equity, and conscious to ourselves of the uprightness of 
our intentions, we totally disregard the reproaches thrown 
out against us by ill-informed or envious and interested 
persons; and now encouraged by the approbation of the 
respectable Provincial Congress of Virginia, we shall 
hereafter pursue with eagerness what we at first adopted 
with caution. 

We beg that you will pardon the length of this letter, 
and that you will do us the honor to believe, that we 
are, with the highest sense of gratitude for the part 
you have taken in favor of our hazardous enterprise, and 
with the greatest respect and esteem for your eminent 
and distinguished character and reputation, among the 



APPENDIX. 381 

vigilant guardians and illustrious patrons of American 
liberty, 

Sir, your most obliged and 

Very mo. devoted h'ble serv'ts, 

Signed, Richd. Henderson, 
Thos. Hart, 
John Williams, 
James Hogg, 
Nathl. Hart, 
David Hart, 
Lend. H. Bullock, 
John Luttrel, 
Wm. Johnston. 
To Patrick Henry, Esqr. 

Hanover County, Virginia. 

N. B. A copy of the above letter sent to Thos. Jeffer- 
son, Esqr., Virginia. 



To the Honorable the Convention of Virginia : 

The petition of the inhabitants, and some of the intended 
settlers of that part of North America, now denomi- 
nated Transylvania, humbly sheweth : 

Whereas some of your petitioners became adventurers 
in that country from the advantageous reports of their 
friends who first explored it, and others since allured by 
the specious shew of the easy terms on which the land 
was to be purchased from those who stile themselves pro- 
prietors, have, at a great expense, and many hardships, 
settled there, under the faith of holding the lands by an 



382 APPENDIX. 

indefeasible title, which those gentlemen assured them 
they were capable of making. But your petitioners have 
been greatly alarmed at the late conduct of those gentle- 
men, in advancing the price of the purchase money from 
twenty shillings to fifty shillings sterling, per hundred 
acres, and at the same time have increased the fees of 
entry and surveying to a most exorbitant rate; and, by 
the short period prefixed for taking up the lands, even 
on those extravagant terms, they plainly evince their 
intentions of rising in their demands as the settlers in- 
crease, or their insatiable avarice shall dictate. And 
your petitioners have been more justly alarmed at such 
unaccountable and arbitrary proceedings, as they have 
lately learned from a copy of the deed made by the Six 
Nations with Sir William Johnson, and the commis- 
sioners from this Colony, at Fort Stanwix, in the year 
1768, that the said lands were included in the cession or 
grant of all that tract which lies on the south side of 
the river Ohio, beginning at the mouth of Cherokee or 
Hogohege river, and extending up the said river to Ket- 
taning. And, as in the preamble of the said deed, the said 
confederate Indians declare the Cherokee river to be their 
true boundary with the southard Indians, your petitioners 
may, with great reason, doubt the validity of the purchase 
that those proprietors have made of the Cherokees — the 
only title they set up to the lands for which they de- 
mand such extravagant sums from your petitioners, with- 
out any other assurance for holding them than their own 
deed and warrantee; a poor security, as your petitioners 
humbly apprehend, for the money that, among other 
new and unreasonable regulations, these proprietors insist 
should be paid down on the delivery of the deed. And, 
as we have the greatest reason to presume that his ma- 



APPENDIX. 383 

jesty, to whom the lands were deeded by the Six Nations, 
for a valuable consideration, will vindicate his title, and 
think himself at liberty to grant them to such persons, 
and on such terms as he pleases, your petitioners would, 
in consequence thereof, be turned out of possession, or 
obliged to purchase their lands and improvements on 
such terms as the new grantee or proprietor might think 
fit to impose; so that we can not help regarding the 
demand of Mr. Henderson and his company as highly 
unjust and impolitic, in the infant state of the settle- 
ment, as well as greatly injurious to your petitioners, 
who would cheerfully have paid the consideration at first 
stipulated by the company, whenever their grant had 
been confirmed by the crown, or otherwise authenticated 
by the supreme legislature. 

And, as we are anxious to concur in every respect with 
our brethren of the united colonies, for our just rights 
and privileges, as far as our infant settlement and remote 
situation will admit of, we humbly expect and implore to 
be taken under the protection of the honorable Conven- 
tion of the Colony of Virginia, of which we can not help 
thinking ourselves still a part, and request your kind 
interposition in our behalf, that we may not suffer under 
the rigorous demands and impositions of the gentlemen 
stiling themselves proprietors, who, the better to effect 
their oppressive designs, have given them the color of a 
law, enacted by a score of men, artfully picked from the 
few adventurers who went to see the country last sum- 
mer, overawed by the presence of Mr. Henderson. 

And that you would take such measures as your 
honors in your wisdom shall judge most expedient for 
restoring peace and harmony to our divided settlement; 
or, if your honors apprehend that our cause comes more 
properly before the honorable the General Congress, that 



384 



APPENDIX. 



you would in your goodness 
worthy delegates, to espouse 
And your petitioners, &c. 

James Harrod, 

Abm. Hite, Jun. 

Patrick Dorane, 

Ralph Nailor, 

Robt. Atkinson, 

Robt. Nailor, 

John Maxfield, 

Saml. Pottinger, 

Barnerd Walter, 

Hugh M'Million, 

John Kilpatrick, 

Robt. Dook, 

Edward Brownfield, 

John Beesor, 

Conrod Woolter, 

John Moore, 

John Corbie, 

Abm. Vanmetre, 

Saml. Moore, 

Isaac Pritcherd, 

Joseph Grwyne, 

G-eo. Uland, 

Michl. Thomas, 

Adam Smith, 

Saml. Thomas, 

Henry Thomas, 

Wm. Myars, 

Peter Paul, 

Henry Simons, 

Wm. Gaffata, 

James Hugh, 



recommend the same to your 
it as the cause of the Colony. 

Chas. Creeraft, 
James Willie, 
John Camron, 
Thos. Kenady, 
Jesse Pigman, 
Simon Moore, 
John Moore, 
Thos. Moore, 
Herman Consoley, 
Silas Harland, 
Wm. Harrod, 
Levi Harrod, 
John Mills, 
Elijah Mills, 
Jehu Harland, 
Leonard Cooper, 
Wm. Rice, 
Arthur Ingram, 
Thos. Wilson, 
William Wood, 
Joseph Lyons, 
Andrew House, 
Wm. Hartly, 
Thomas Dean, 
Richard Owan, 
Barnet Neal, 
John Severn, 
James Hugh, 
James Calley, 
Joseph Parkison, 
Jediah Ashraft, 



APPENDIX. 



385 



Thos. Bathugh, 
John Connway, 
Wm. Crow, 
Wm. Feals, 
Benja. Davis, 
Beniali Dun, 
Adam Neelson, 
Wm. Shepard, 
Wm. House, 
Jno. Dun, 
Jno. Sim, Sen. 
John House, 
Sime. House, 



John Hardin, 
Archd. Reves, 
Moses Thomas, 
J. Zebulon Collins, 
Thos. Parkinson, 
Wm. Muckleroy, 
Meridith Helm, Jun., 
Andw. House, 
David Brooks, 
John Helm, 
Benja. Parkison, 
Win. Parkison, 
Wm. Crow. 



LETTER FROM COL. WILLIAMS, AT BOONESBOROUGH TO 
THE PROPRIETORS. 

Boonesborough, 3d January, 1776. 

GrENTLEMEN, 

In my last, of the 27th instant, I promised, in my next, 
a more circumstantial account than I was capable then of 
giving, under the confused situation of mind I was then 
in, occasioned by the unhappy catastrophe of my brother's 
death, which happened but a few hours before that. To 
comply, in some measure with that promise, and to dis- 
charge a duty incumbent upon me, as well as the prompti- 
tude of mind I feel to discharge that duty, I cheerfully 
enter on the task, and endeavour to render some account 
of what I have been after since my arrival at this place, 
now upwards of a month since; and as the primitive in- 
tention of sending me to Transylvania was to establish a 
land office, appoint the necessary officers to the said office, 
surveyor, &c, upon the best footing in my power, and to 
33 



386 APPENDIX. 

make sale of the lands within the said Colony, upon such 
terms as might be most advantageous to the proprietors 
and satisfactory to the inhabitants thereof; my first step 
was to fall on some method of appointing a person to the 
office of surveyor, who should give general satisfaction to 
the people; I thought none more likely to do so, than 
calling a convention and taking their recommendation for 
the person who I would appoint. From the dispersed 
situation of the people, and the extreme badness of the 
weather, we failed in convening a majority; however, I 
took the sense of those who appeared, and who unani- 
mously recommended Colonel John Floyd, a gentleman 
generally esteemed, and I am persuaded truly worthy; 
and him I have commissioned surveyor of the Colony at 
present, though perhaps it may be advisable, at a future 
day, to divide the Colony into two districts, and to ap- 
point another surveyor to one of the districts. The 
entering office I have disposed of to Mr. Nathaniel Hen- 
derson, and the secretary's to Mr. Richard Harrison ; 
though, upon consideration, I have thought that the 
numerous incidental expenses were so great that some 
way ought to be fallen upon to defray them without 
breaking in upon the monies arising from the sale of the 
lands, and that the two dollars for entering, &c, and the 
other two for filling up the deeds, counterparts, annexing 
seals and plots, &c, was more money than the services of 
those offices absolutely required; I, therefore, have re- 
served out of each office, one dollar, to answer the pur- 
pose of defraying those extraordinary expenses ; and the 
office is left well worth the acceptance of persons capable 
of filling them with credit. The number of entries on our 
book is now upwards of 900, great part of which was made 
before I came to this place, when people could make 
entries without money, and without price; the country 



APPENDIX. 387 

abounded with land-mongers; since there is two dollars 
exacted on the entry made, people are not quite so keen, 
though I make no doubt but all who can comply with 
the terms will endeavour to save their lands; and, as many 
people who have got entry on the book, are now out of 
the country, and can not possibly pay up the entry money 
immediately, I have thought proper to advertise, that 
every person who had made entry on the book, and paid 
no money, that they come in and pay up the entrance 
money by the first of April, and take out their warrants 
of survey, or their several entries will, after that time, be 
considered as vacated, and liable to be entered by any 
other person whatever. The surveyors have now began 
to survey, and some few people have been desirous of 
getting out their deeds immediately; but they generally 
complain of a great scarcity of money, and doubt their 
being able to take their deeds before next June, or even 
before next fall; though in a general way, people seem to 
be well reconciled to the terms, and desirous to take upon 
them, except some few, whom I have been obliged to 
tamper with, and a small party about Harrodsburg, who, 
it seems, have been entering into a confederacy not to 
hold lands on any other terms than those of the first 
year. As this party is composed of people, in general, 
of small consequence, and I have taken some steps to 
remove some of their principal objections, I make no 
doubt but to do all that away ; and for that purpose have 
formed a design of removing myself, with the office, to 
Harrodsburgh, some time in February next, unless I 
should find, from a trip I purpose immediately taking 
there, that I can not do it with safety. The principal 
man, I am told, at the head of this confederacy, is one 
Hite ; and him I make no doubt but to convince he is in 
an error. Among other things, one of the great com- 



388 APPENDIX. 

plaints was, that the proprietors, and a few gentlemen, 
had engrossed all the land at and near the Falls of the 
Ohio, which circumstance I found roused the attention 
of a number of people of note ; I therefore found myself 
under a necessity of putting a stop to all clamours of that 
kind, by declaring that I would grant no large bodies of 
land to any person whatever, which lay contiguous to the 
Falls ; which I have done in a solemn manner. This I 
am far from thinking will be injurious to the proprietors, 
but quite the reverse ; and a circumstance which will 
render more general satisfaction, and be of as much utility 
to the Colony, as any step heretofore taken. You will 
observe that I am going on to justify the measure, before 
I inform you what it is. But to be brief, it is this ; the 
Falls, it is certain, is a place which, from its situation, 
must be the most considerable mart in this part of the 
world; the lands around are generally rich and fertile, 
and most agreeably situated; which had occasioned many 
people to fix their affections on that place. Many appli- 
cations have been made for large grants, at and about 
that place, and refused. Since which, 20,000 acres, and 
upwards, have been entered there for the company; 40,000 
or 50,000 more, in large tracts, by a few other gentlemen; 
a partiality was complained of: a general murmuring en- 
sued. Upon considering the matter, I thought it unjust; 
I thought it a disadvantage to the partners in general • 
and that some step ought to be taken to pacify the minds 
of the people. I therefore entered into a resolution that 
I would grant to no one man living, within a certain dis- 
tance of the falls, more than one thousand acres of land, 
and that to be settled and improved in a certain space of 
time, under the penalty of forfeiture; that every person 
who had more entered than 1000 acres, might retain his 
1000 out of which spot he pleased; that the several offi- 



APPENDIX. 389 

cers, who have claims there, may each, on application 
and complying with our terms, be entitled to a 1000 
within his survey. That a town be immediately laid 
out, and a lot reserved to each proprietor, and then the 
first settlers to take the lots they may choose, enter and 
improve; which improvement must be done in a certain 
limited time, or the lot forfeited, and again to be sold, 
&c. These proposals seem to have given general satis- 
faction, and every one who had entered large quantities, 
within these limits, gives it up with the greatest alacrity; 
and I am in hopes it will meet the general approbation 
of the company; if so, I shall be happy; if not, I shall 
be very sorry, though the necessity must justify the 
measure. The Falls of Ohio is a place, of all others 
within the Colony, will admit of a town, which, from its 
particular situation, will immediately become populous 
and flourishing; the land contiguous thereto rich and 
fertile, and where a great number of gentlemen will most 
certainly settle, and be the support and protection of a 
town at that place ; a place which should meet with every 
encouragement, to settle and strengthen, inasmuch as it 
will most certainly be the terror of our savage enemies, 
the Kickeboos Indians, who border more nearly on that 
place than any other part of the Colony; and as I think 
it absolutely necessary that the aforesaid proposed town, 
at the falls, to be laid off the ensuing spring, if I find it 
practicable, to raise a party about the first of March and 
go down and lay out the town and stake it off; though 
this will, in a great measure, depend upon the future 
tranquillity of our situation, between this and then, for 
I assure you the little attack made upon us by the In- 
dians the 23d of last month, has made many people, who 
are ashamed to confess themselves afraid, find out that 
their affairs on your side the mountains will not dispense 



390 APPENDIX. 

with their staying here any longer at present; and I am 
well convinced, once they get there, that every alarm, 
instead of precipitating, will procrastinate their return. 
When I mention the little attack made on the 23d of last 
month, in this cursory manner, it is because I have here- 
tofore sent you a particular account of that massacre, in 
a letter of 27th ult. Though as that letter may fail, and 
not get to hand, I will now endeavour to briefly relate the 
circumstances. 

On Saturday, about noon, being the 23d, Colonel 
Campbell, with a couple of lads, ( Sanders and M'Quin- 
ney, ) went across the river. On the opposite bank they 
parted. Campbell went up the river about two hundred 
yards, and took up a bottom. The two lads, without a 
gun, went straight up the hill. About ten minutes after 
they parted, a gun and a cry of distress was heard, and 
the alarm given that the Indians had shot Colonel Camp- 
bell. We made to his assistance. He came running to 
the landing, with one shoe off, and said he was fired on 
by a couple of Indians. A party of men was immediately 
dispatched, under the command of Colonel Boon, who 
went out, but could make no other discovery than two 
mockisson tracks, whether Indians' or not, could not be 
determined. We had at that time, over the river, hunt- 
ing, &c, ten or a dozen men, in different parties, — part 
or all of whom we expected to be killed, if what Colonel 
Campbell said was true; but that by many was doubted. 
Night came on; several of the hunters returned, but had 
neither seen nor heard of Indians, nor yet of the two 
lads. We continued in this state of suspense till Wed- 
nesday, when a party of men sent out to make search for 
them, found M'Quinney, killed and scalped, in a corn- 
field, at about three miles distance from town, on the 
north side of the river. Sanders could not be found, nor 



APPENDIX. 391 

has he yet been heard of. On Thursday, a ranging party 
of fifteen men, under the command of Jesse Benton, was 
dispatched to scour the woods, twenty or thirty miles 
round, and see if any further discovery could be made. 
To those men we gave two shillings per day, and £5 for 
every scalp they should produce. After they went out, 
our hunters returned, one at a time, till they all came in 
safe, Sanders excepted, who, no doubt, has shared M'Quin- 
ney's fate. 

On Sunday, the 31st day of the month, our rangers 
returned, without doing any thing more than convincing 
themselves that the Indians had immediately, on doing 
the murder, ran off for northward, as they discovered 
their tracks thirty or forty miles towards the Ohio, making 
that way. 

On the above massacre being committed, we began to 
doubt that there was a body of Indians about, who in- 
tended committing outrage on our inhabitants. However, 
we are perfectly satisfied since, that their number was 
only six or seven men, who set off from the Shawnee 
town before the treaty at Fort Pitt, with an intent, as 
they termed it, to take a look at the white people on 
Kentucky; and King Cornstalk, at the treaty, informed 
the commissioners of this, and said, for the conduct of 
these men, before they returned, he could not be respon- 
sible, for that he did not know but that they might do 
some mischief, and that if any of them should get killed 
by the whites, he should take no notice at all of it. For 
this we have undoubted authority, and don't at present 
think ourselves in any greater danger here than if the 
above massacre had not have been committed. 

Another circumstance is, that our ammunition grows 
scant. I don't think there is enough to supply this place 
till the last of March, supposing we should have no oc- 



392 APPENDIX. 

casion of any to repulse an enemy. If we should, God 
only knows how long it will last. If any powder can 
possibly be procured, it would certainly be advisable to 
do it; if not, some person who can manufacture the 
materials we have on the way, for the purpose of making 
powder. Most part of those are at the block-house, or 
at least within two or three miles of that — the rest in 
Powel's Valley. Those (if we had any person who knew 
how properly to manufacture them into gunpowder) it 
would be necessary to have at this place. We have no 
such person, and of course they would be of but little 
service here. Notwithstanding, I should have sent for 
them before now; but people here expect the most exor- 
bitant wages for trivial services. Not less than a dollar 
a day will do for any thing, which will prevent my send- 
ing till I find the necessity greater, or men to be hired 
cheaper. 

LETTER FROM JAMES HOGG TO THE COMPANY. 

January, 1776. 
Dear Sir: — On the 2d of December, I returned hither 
from Philadelphia ; and I have now sit down to give you 
an account of my embassy, which you will be pleased to 
communicate to the other gentlemen, our co-partners, when 
you have an opportunity. I waited for Messrs. Hooper 
and Hewes a day and a half, at Richmond, but they were 
detained by rainy weather for several days, so that they 
did not overtake me till I was near Philadelphia, where 
I was kept two days by heavy rain, though they had it 
dry where they were. It was the 22d of Oct. when we 
arrived at Philadelphia. In a few days they introduced 
me to several of the Congress gentlemen, among the first 
of whom were, accidentally, the famous Samuel and John 
Adams ; and as I found their opinion friendly to our 



APPENDIX. 393 

new Colony, I shewed them our map, explained to them 
the advantage of our situation, &c. &c. They entered 
seriously into the matter, and seemed to think favorably 
of the whole ; but the difficulty that occurred to us soon 
appeared to them. "We have petitioned and addressed 
the king," said they, "and have entreated him to point 
out some mode of accommodation. There seems to be an 
impropriety in embarrassing our reconciliation with any 
thing new ; and the taking under our protection a body 
of people who have acted in defiance of the king's 
proclamations, will be looked on as a confirmation of that 
independent spirit with which we are daily reproached." 
I then showed them our memorial, to convince them that 
we did not pretend to throw off our allegiance to the 
king, but intended to acknowledge his sovereignty when- 
ever he should think us worthy of his regard. They 
were pleased with our memorial, and thought it very 
proper; but another difficulty occurred: by looking at the 
map, they observed that we were within the Virginia 
charter. I then told them of the fixing their boundaries, 
what had passed at Richmond in March last, and that I 
had reason to believe the Virginians would not oppose 
us; however, they advised me to sound the Virginians, as 
they would not choose to do any thing in it without their 
consent. 

All the delegates were, at that time, so much engaged 
in the Congress from morning to night, that it was some 
days before I got introduced to the Virginians; and be- 
fore then, I was informed that some of them had said, 
whatever was their own opinion of the matter, they would 
not consent that Transylvania should be admitted as a 
Colony, and represented in Congress, until it originated 
in their convention, and should be approved by their con- 
stituents. Some days after this, I was told that Messrs, 



394 APPENDIX. 

Jefferson, TVythe, and Kichard Henry Lee, were desirous 
of meeting with me, which was accordingly brought 
about ; but, unfortunately, Mr. Lee was, by some business, 
prevented from being with us, though I had some con- 
versation with him afterwards. I told them that the 
Transylvania Company, suspecting that they might be 
misrepresented, had sent me to make known to the gen- 
tlemen of the Congress our friendly intentions towards 
the cause of liberty, &c. &c, but said nothing of our 
memorial, or my pretensions to a seat in Congress. They 
said nothing in return to me, but seriously examined our 
map, and asked many questions. They observed that our 
purchase was within their charter, and gently hinted, that 
by virtue of it, they might claim the whole. This led 
me to take notice, that a few years ago, as I had been in- 
formed, their assembly had petitioned the crown for leave 
to purchase from the Cherokees, and to fix their boun- 
daries with them, which was accordingly done, by a line 
running from six miles east of the long island in Holston, 
to the mouth of the Great Khanaway, for which they had 
actually paid $2500 to the Cherokees: by which purchase, 
both the crown and their assembly had acknowledged the 
property of those lands to be in the Cherokees. Besides, 
said I, our settlement of Transylvania will be a great 
check on the Indians, and consequently be of service to 
the Virginians. 

They seemed to waive the argument concerning the 
right of property; but Mr. Jefferson acknowledged, that, 
in his opinion, our Colony could be no loss to the Vir- 
ginians, if properly united to them ; and said, that if his 
advice was followed, all the use they should make of their 
charter would be to prevent any arbitrary or oppressive 
government to be established within the boundaries of it; 
and that it was his wish to see a free government estab- 



APPENDIX. 395 

lished at the back of theirs, properly united with them ; 
and that it should extend westward to the Mississippi, 
and on each side of the Ohio to their charter line. But 
he would not consent that we should be acknowledged 
by the Congress, until it had the approbation of their 
constituents in Convention, which he thought might be 
obtained; and that, for that purpose, we should send one 
of our company to their next Convention. Against this 
proposal, several objections occurred to me, but I made 
none. 

This was the substance of our conference, with which 
I acquainted our good friends, Messrs. Hooper and Hewes, 
who joined me in opinion that I should not push the 
matter further; and they hinted to me, that, considering 
the present very critical situation of affairs, they thought 
it was better for us to be unconnected with them. These 
gentlemen acted a most friendly part all along, and gave 
a favorable account of our proceedings. Indeed, I think 
the company under great obligations to them, and I hope 
they will take it under their consideration. I was fre- 
quently with parties of the delegates, who in general 
think favorably of our enterprise. All the wise ones of 
them, with whom I conversed on the subject, are clear in 
opinion, that the property of the lands are vested in us 
by the Indian grant ; but some of them think, that by 
the common law of England, and by the common usage 
in America, the sovereignty is in the king, agreeably to 
a famous law opinion, of which I was so fortunate as to 
procure a copy. The suffering traders, and others, at 
the end of last war, obtained a large tract of land from 
the Six Nations, and other Indians. They formed them- 
selves into a company, (called, I believe, the Ohio,) and 
petitioned the king for a patent, and desired to be erected 
into a government. His majesty laid their petition be- 



396 APPENDIX. 

fore Lord Chancellor Camden and Mr. Charles York, 
then attorney-general and afterwards chancellor. Their 
opinion follows: — "In respect to such places as have 
been, or shall be acquired by treaty or grant from any 
of the Indian princes or governments, your majesty's 
letters patent are not necessary; the property of the soil 
vesting in the grantee by the Indian grants, subject only 
to your majesty's right of sovereignty over the settle- 
ments, as English settlements, and over the inhabitants 
as English subjects, who carry with them your majesty's 
laws wherever they form colonies, and receive your 
majesty's protection by virtue of your royal charters." 
After an opinion so favorable for them, it is amazing 
that this company never attempted to form a settlement, 
unless they could have procured a charter, with the hopes 
of which, it seems, they were flattered, from time to time. 
However, our example has roused them, I am told, and 
they are now setting up for our rivals. Depending on 
this opinion, another company of gentlemen, a few years 
ago, purchased a tract between the forks of the Missis- 
sippi and Ohio, beginning about a league below Fort 
Chartres, and running over towards the mouth of the 
Wabash; but whether or not their boundary line is above 
or below the mouth of the Wabash, the gentleman who 
shewed me their deed could not tell, as it is not mentioned, 
but is said to terminate at the old Shawanese town, sup- 
posed to be only thirty-five leagues above the mouth of 
the Ohio. And the said company purchased another 
larger tract, lying on the Illinois river. It was from one 
of this company that I procured a copy of the above 
opinion, which he assured me was a genuine one, and is 
the very same which you have heard was in possession 
of Lord Dunmore, as it was their company who sent it 
to him, expecting he would join them. 



APPENDIX. 397 

I was several times with Mr. Deane, of Connecticut, 
the gentleman of whom Mr. Hooper told you when here. 
He says he will send some people to see our country; 
and if their report be favorable, he thinks many Connec- 
ticut people will join us. This gentleman is a scholar, 
and a man of sense and enterprise, and rich; and I am 
apt to believe, has some thoughts of heading a party of 
Connecticut adventurers, providing things can be made 
agreeable to him. He is reckoned a good man, and much 
esteemed in Congress; but he is an enthusiast in liberty, 
and will have nothing to do with us unless he is pleased 
with our form of government. He is a great admirer of 
the Connecticut constitution, which he recommended to 
our consideration ; and was so good as to favor me with 
a long letter on that subject, a copy of which is enclosed. 

You would be amazed to see how much in earnest all 
these speculative gentlemen are about the plan to be 
adopted by the Transylvanians. They entreat, they pray 
that we may make it a free government, and beg that no 
mercenary or ambitious views in the proprietors may pre- 
vent it. Quit-rents they say is a mark of vassalage, and 
hope they shall not be established in Transylvania. They 
even threaten us with their opposition, if we do not act 
upon liberal principles when we have it so much in our 
power to render ourselves immortal. Many of them ad- 
vised a law against negroes. 

Inclosed I send you a copy of a sketch by J. Adams, 
which I had from Richard Henry Lee. 

LORD BOTETOURT TO COLONEL DONELSON. 

Williamsburgti, Avg. 9th, 1770. 

Sir : — By the enclosed papers you will find that Mr. 

Stuart has directed his deputy, Mr. Cameron, to convene 

the Cherokee chiefs on the 5th of October, at Lochaber, 



398 APPENDIX. 

and that it is his particular desire that a gentleman from 
this dominion may attend at that congress. It is, likewise, 
very much my wish that the whole of that transaction 
may be reported to the next meeting of the general as- 
sembly by a member of their own, upon whom they can 
depend. I do, therefore, hereby appoint you to be present 
at that treaty, that you may take minutes of all their 
proceedings, and report to us the time which shall be 
then fixed upon for running the line, as well as what 
provisions, &c, shall be deemed necessary to be provided 
for that purpose ; and must intreat that you be very exact 
in the whole of that estimate and account. 

Extremely your obedient, 

BOTETOURT. 

Col. Donelson. 



Treaty of Lochaber, 18th Oct. 1770. 

At a meeting of the principal chiefs and warriors of 
the Cherokee nation, with John Stuart, Esq., superin- 
tendent of Indian affairs, &c. 

South Carolina, Lochaber, l$th Oct. 1770. 

Present — Col. Donelson, by appointment of his Ex- 
cellency, the Right Honourable Lord Botetourt, in behalf 
of the Province of Virginia. 

Alexander Cameron, deputy superintendent. 

James Simpson, Esq., clerk of his Majesty's council of 
South Carolina. 

Major Lacey, from Virginia. 

Major Williamson, Captain Cohoon, Jno. Caldwell, Esq., 
Captain Winter, Christopher Peters, Esq., Edward Wil- 
kinson, Esq., and John Hamarar, Esq. ; besides a great 
number of the back inhabitants of the province of South 



APPENDIX. 399 

Carolina, and the following chiefs of the Cherokee nation : 
Oconistoto, Kettagusta, Attacullaculla, Keyatoy, Tiftoy, 
Tarrapinis, Eucy of Tugalo, Scaleluskey, Chinistah of 
Wataugah, Otasite Hey Wassie, and about a thousand 
other Indians of the same nation. 

Interpreters. — John "Watts, David M'Donald, John 
Vann. 



TREATY. 

Monday 22d October. 

At a Congress of the principal chiefs of the Cherokee 
nation, held at Lochaber, in the province of South Caro- 
lina, on the eighteenth day of October, in the year of our 
Lord 1770, by John Stuart, Esq., his Majesty's agent for, 
and superintendent of the affairs of the Indian nations 
in the southern district of North America : 

A treaty for a cession to his most sacred Majesty, 
George the third, by the grace of God of Great Britain, 
France, and Ireland, king, defender of the faith, &c, by 
the said nation of Cherokee Indians, of certain lands 
lying within the limits of the dominion of Virginia. 

Whereas, by a treaty entered into and concluded at 
Hardlabour, the 14th day of October, in the year 1768, 
by John Stuart, Esq., his Majesty's agent for, and su- 
perintendent of the affairs of the Indian nations inhabit- 
ing the southern district of North America, with the 
principal and ruling chiefs of the Cherokee nation, all 
the lands formerly claimed by, and belonging to, said 
nation of Indians, lying within the province of Virginia, 
to the eastward of a line beginning at the boundary of 
the province of North Carolina and Virginia, running in 
a N. by E. course to Col. Chiswell's mine on the eastern 
bank of the Great Canaway, and from thence in a straight 
line to the mouth of the said Great Canaway river, where 



400 APPENDIX. 

it discharges itself into the Ohio river, were ceded to his 
most sacred Majesty, his heirs and successors. And 
whereas, by the above recited treaty, all the lands lying 
between Holston's river, and the line above specified, 
were determined to belong to the Cherokee nation, to the 
great loss and inconvenience of many of his Majesty's 
subjects inhabiting the said lands; and representation of 
the same having been made to his Majesty, by his Ex- 
cellency the Right Honourable Norboine Baron De Bote- 
tourt, his Majesty's lieutenant and governor-general of 
the dominion of Virginia ; in consequence whereof his 
Majesty has been graciously pleased to signify his royal 
pleasure to John Stuart, Esq., his agent for, and super- 
intendent of, Indian affairs in the southern district of 
North America, by an instruction contained in a letter 
from the Right Honourable the Earl of Hillsborough, 
one of his Majesty's principal secretaries of state, dated 
the 13th May 1769, to enter into a negotiation with the 
Cherokees, for establishing a new boundary line, begin- 
ning at the point where the North Carolina line termi- 
nates, and to run thence, in a west course, to Holston's 
river, where it is intersected by a continuation of the line 
dividing the provinces of North Carolina and Yirginia, 
and thence a straight course, to the confluence of the 
Great Canaway and Ohio rivers. 

Article 1. 
Pursuant, therefore, to his majesty's orders to, and 
power and authority vested in John Stuart, Esq., agent 
for, and superintendent of the affairs of the Indian tribes 
in the southern district — it is agreed upon, by the said 
John Stuart, Esq., on behalf of his most sacred Majesty, 
George the Third, by the grace of God, of Great Britain, 
France, and Ireland, king, defender of the faith, &c, and 



APPENDIX. 401 

by the subscribing Cherokee chiefs and warriors, on be- 
half of their said nation, in consideration of his Majesty's 
paternal goodness, so often demonstrated to them the said 
Cherokee Indians, and from their affection and friendship 
for their brethren, the inhabitants of Virginia, as well as 
their earnest desire of removing, as far as possible, all 
cause of dispute between them and the said inhabitants, 
on account of encroachments on lands reserved by the 
said Indians for themselves, and also for a valuable con- 
sideration in various sorts of goods, paid to them by the 
said John Stuart, Esq., on behalf of the Dominion of 
Virginia, that the hereafter recited line be ratified and 
confirmed, and it is hereby ratified and confirmed accord- 
ingly; and it is by these presents firmly stipulated and 
agreed upon, by the parties aforesaid, that a line, begin- 
ning where the boundary line between the province of 
North Carolina and the Cherokee hunting grounds ter- 
minates, and running thence, in a west course, to a point 
six miles east of Long Island, in Holston's river, and 
thence to said river, six miles above the said Long Island, 
and thence, in a west course, to the confluence of the 
Great Canaway and Ohio rivers, shall remain and be 
deemed by all his majesty's white subjects, as well as all 
the Indians of the Cherokee nation, the true and just 
limits and boundaries of the lands reserved by the said 
nation of Indians, for their own proper use, and dividing 
the same from the lands ceded by them to his Majesty, 
within the limits of the province of Virginia ; and that 
his Majesty's white subjects, inhabiting the province of 
Virginia, shall not, upon any pretence whatsoever, settle 
beyond the said line ; nor shall the said Indians make 
any settlements or encroachment on the lands which, by 
this treaty, they cede and confirm to his Majesty; and it 
is further agreed, that as soon as his Majesty's royal ap- 
34 



402 APPENDIX. 

probation of this treaty shall have been signified to the 
governor of Virginia, or superintendent, this treaty shall 
be carried into execution. 

Article 2. 
And it is further agreed upon, and stipulated by the 
contracting parties, that no alteration whatsoever shall 
henceforward be made in the boundary line above re- 
cited, and now solemnly agreed upon, except such as may 
hereafter be found expedient and necessary for the mutual 
interests of both parties; and which alteration shall be 
made with the consent of the superintendent, or such 
other person or persons as shall be authorized by his 
Majesty, as well as with the consent and approbation of 
the Cherokee nation of Indians, at a congress or general 
meeting of said Indians, to be held for said purpose, and 
not in any other manner. 

In testimony whereof, the said superintendent, on be- 
half of his Majesty, and the underwritten Cherokee chiefs, 
on behalf of their nation, have signed and sealed this 
present treaty, at the time and place aforesaid. 

John Stuart. ( Seal.) 
By order of the superintendent, William Ogilvy, Sec'y. 
Oconistoto, (Seal) Skyagusta Tiftoy, (Seal.) 

Kittagusta, (Seal.) Tarrapinis, (Seal.) 

Attacullaculla, (Seal.) Eucy of Tugalo, (Seal.) 

Keyatoy, (Seal.) Scaleluskey of Sugar- 

Kinnatilah, (Seal.) town, (Seal.) 

Ukayoula, (Seal.) Chinistah of do. (Seal.) 

Chukanuntas, (Seal.) Chinistah of Watau- 

Skyagusta Tuukcis, (Seal.) gah, (Seal.) 

"Woolf of Keewees, (Seal.) Otasite Hey Wassie, (Seal.) 
Eead in council, December 12th, 1770. 



APPENDIX. 403 

LETTER OF COLONEL HENDERSON, AT BOONSBOROUGH, TO 
THE PROPRIETORS. 

Boonsborough, June 12th, 1775. 
Gentlemen, 

It would be needless in me to enter into a detail of 
every little occurrence and cross accident which has be- 
fallen us since we left Wattauga ; they can afford no in- 
struction, and are too trifling for your amusement. No 
doubt but you have felt great anxiety since the receipt of 
my letter from Powell's Valley. At that time, things 
wore a gloomy aspect; indeed it was a serious matter, 
and became a little more so, after the date of the letter 
than before. That afternoon I wrote the letter in Pow- 
ell's Valley, in our march this way, we met about 40 
people returning, and in about four days the number was 
little short of 100. Arguments and persuasions were 
needless; they seemed resolved on returning, and trav- 
eled with a precipitation that truly bespoke their fears. 
Eight or ten were all that we could prevail on to proceed 
with us, or to follow after; and thus, what we before had, 
counting every boy and lad, amounted to about 40, with 
which number we pursued our journey, with the utmost 
diligence, for my own part never under more real anx- 
iety. Every person almost that we met, seemed to be 
at pains to aggravate the danger of proceeding; and had 
we given them all a fair hearing, I believe they would, 
in return for the favor, have gotten all our men. Many 
seemed to be of opinion (who had been with Boone) 
that the men assembled at the mouth of Otter creek 
would get impatient and leave him before we could pos- 
sibly get there, if no other accident befell them ; and 
with me, it was beyond a doubt, that our right, in effect, 
depended on Boone's maintaining his ground — at least 



404 APPENDIX. 

until we could get to him. Here, gentlemen, your imagi- 
nation must take the burden off my hands, and paint 
what I am unable to describe. You need not be afraid 
of giving scope to your fancy; it is impossible to make 
the picture worse than the original. Every group of 
travellers we saw, or strange bells which were heard in 
front, was a fresh alarm ; afraid to look or inquire, lest 
Captain Boone or his company was amongst them, or 
some disastrous account of their defeat. The slow pro- 
gress we made with our packs, rendered it absolutely 
necessary for some person to go on and give assurance 
of our coming, especially as they had no certainty of our 
being on the road at all; or had even heard whether the 
Indians had sold to us or not. It was owing to Boone's 
confidence in us, and the people's in him, that a stand 
was ever attempted in order to wait for our coming. The 
case was exceedingly distressing : we had not a fellow 
that we could send on a forlorn hope in our whole camp : 
all our young men had sufficient employ with the pack- 
horses; and, the truth is, very few would have gone, if 
they had been totally idle. Distress generally has some- 
thing in store when it is least expected ; it was actually 
the case with us. Mr. William Cocke, (with whom some 
of you are acquainted,) observing our anxiety on that 
account, generously offered to undertake the journey 
himself, and deliver a letter to Captain Boone, with all 
the expedition in his power. This offer, extraordinary 
as it was, we could by no means refuse — it was not a 
time for much delicacy ; a little compliment and a few 
very sincere thanks, instantly given, preceded a solemn 
engagement to set off next morning; and if he escaped 
with his life, to perform the trust. The day proved dark 
and rainy; and I own, Mr. Cocke's undertaking appeared 
a little more dangerous than the evening before — in spite 



APPENDIX. 405 

of affectation, it was plain he thought so — whether it 
was from the gloominess of the weather, or the time of 
setting off being actually come, or what, I cannot tell; 
but perhaps a little of both. Indeed, I rather suspect 
there is some little secondary mischievous passion per- 
sonating courage, hankering about the heart of man, that 
very often plays him a double game, by causing him to 
view dangers at a little distance through the wrong end 
of the glass; and as soon as cool deliberation, by the 
help of caution, has shifted the telescope, and brought 
the object home to a nearer view, and perhaps the dan- 
gerous features a little magnified, this monkey passion 
most shamefully deserts and leaves the affair to be man- 
aged as it can. Be that as it may, in these cases we are 
not always without a friend. Pride will, if possible, take 
up the cudgels ; and let the world say what it will of her, 
she answers the end of genuine innate courage, (if there 
be such a thing,) and for aught I know, it is the thing 
itself. But to return to our subject: no time was lost; 
we struck whilst the iron was hot, fixed Mr. Cocke off 
with a good Queen Ann's musket, plenty of ammunition, 
a tomahawk, a large cuttoe knife, a Dutch blanket, and 
no small quantity of jerked beef. Thus equipped, and 
mounted on a tolerably good horse, on the day of 

April, Mr. Cocke started from Cumberland river, about 
130 miles from this place, and carried with him, besides 
his own enormous load of fearful apprehensions, a con- 
siderable burden of my own uneasiness. The probability 
of giving Mr. Boone and his men word of our being 
near them, administered great pleasure, and we made the 
best use of our time, following on. 

The general panic that had seized the men we were^ 
continually meeting, was contagious; it ran like wild fire; 
and, notwithstanding every effort against its progress, it 



406 APPENDIX. 

was presently discovered in our own camp; some hesita- 
ted and stole back, privately ; others saw the necessity of 
returning to convince their friends that they were still 
alive, in too strong a light to be resisted; whilst many, 
in truth, who have nothing to thank but the fear of 
shame, for the credit of intrepidity, came on, though 
their hearts, for some hours, made part of the deserting 
company. In this situation of affairs, some few, of gen- 
uine courage and undaunted resolution, served to inspire 
the rest; by help of whose example, assisted by a little 
pride and some ostentation, we made a shift to march on 
with all the appearance of gallantry, and, cavalier like, 
treated every insinuation of danger with the utmost con- 
tempt. It soon became habitual; and those who started 
in the morning, with pale faces and apparent trepidation, 
could lie down and sleep at night in great quiet, not 
even possessed of fear enough to get the better of indo- 
lence. There is a mistaken notion amongst the vulgar, 
with respect to courage, which cannot be eradicated but 
by dint of experiment; all watching, when it comes to be 
put in practice, has to them the appearence of cowardice ; 
and that it is beneath a soldier to be afraid of any thing, 
especially when a little fatigued. They would all agree 
in the morning, that it would be highly prudent and ne- 
cessary to keep sentinels around our camp at night ; but 
a hearty meal or supper, (when we could get it) and good 
fires, never failed putting off the danger for at least 24 
hours ; at which time it was universally agreed, on all 
hands, that a watch at night would be indispensably neces- 
sary. Human nature is eternally the same ; a death-bed 
repentance and a surprised camp are so nearly assimilated, 
that you may safely swear they arise from the same cause. 
Without further speculation, we have been so fortunate, 
hitherto, as to escape both. I wish from my soul, that 



APPENDIX. 407 

they may not be in - league to come together. Never was 
fairer opportunity, as to the one, and you may form a 
tolerable judgment as to the other; the western waters 
having, as yet, produced no visible alteration with respect 
to morals or Christian charity amongst us. It will no 
doubt surprise you, but it is nevertheless true, that we 
are in no posture of defence or security at this time; and, 
for my own part, do not much expect it will ever be 
effected, unless the Indians should do us the favor of 
annoying us, and regularly scalping a man every week 
until it is performed; if the intervals should be longer, 
the same spirit of indolence and self-security, which hath 
hitherto prevailed, would not only continue, but increase. 
To give you a small specimen of the disposition of the 
people, it may be sufficient to assure you, that when we 
arrived at this place, we found Captain Boone's men as 
inattentive on the score of fear, (to all appearances), as 
if they had been in Hillsborough. A small fort only 
wanting two or three days' work to make it tolerably safe, 
was totally neglected on Mr. Cockes arrival ; and unto 
this day remains unfinished, notwithstanding the repeated 
applications of Captain Boone, and every representation 
of danger from ourselves. The death of poor Tivitty and 
the rest, who at the time you were informed, became 
sacrifices to indiscretion, had no more effect than to pro- 
duce one night's watching after they got to Otter creek; 
not more than ten days after the massacre. Our planta- 
tions extend near two miles in length, on the river and 
up a creek. Here people work in their different lots ; 
some without their guns, and others without care or cau- 
tion. It is in vain for us to say any thing more about 
the matter ; it cannot be done by words. We have a 
militia law, on which I have some dependence; if that 
has no good effect, we must remain for some time much 



408 APPENDIX. 

at the mercy of the Indians. Should any successful at- 
tack be made on us, Captain Hart, I suppose, will be 
able to render sufficient reasons to the surviving company, 
for withdrawing from our camp, and refusing to join in 
building a fort for our mutual defence. This representa- 
tion of our unguarded and defenceless situation is not all 
that seems to make against us. Our men, under various 
pretences, are every day leaving us. It is needless to say 
any thing against it ; many of them are so much deter- 
mined, that they sell their rights for saving land on our 
present terms, to others who remain in their stead, for 
little or nothing; nay, some of them are resolved to go, 
and some are already gone, and given up all pretensions 
for this season, and depend on getting land on the next 
fall's terms. Our company has dwindled from about 
eighty in number to about fifty odd, and I believe in a 
few days will be considerably less. Amongst these I 
have not heard one person dissatisfied with the country 
or terms; but go, as they say, merely because their busi- 
ness will not admit of longer delay. The fact is, that 
many of them are single, worthless fellows, and want to 
get on the other side of the mountains, for the sake of 
saying they have been out and returned safe, together 
with the probability of getting a mouthful of bread in 
exchange for their news. 

Having given you a slight view of one side of the 
question, it may not be amiss to turn the subject over, 
and see what may be said on the other hand. Notwith- 
standing all our negligence, self- security, scarcity of 
men, and whatever else may be added against us, I can- 
not think but we shall carry the matter through, and be 
crowned with success. My reasons for this opinion, calls 
for in you, a kind of knowledge of the geography of our 
country. Those who have no just idea of this matter 



APPENDIX. 409 

may be aided by Captain Hart. We are seated at the 
mouth of Otter ereek, on the Kentucky, about 150 miles 
from the Ohio. To the west, about 50 miles from us, 
are two settlements, within six or seven miles one of the 
other. There were, some time ago, about 100 at the two 
places; though now, perhaps, not more than 60 or 70, as 
many of them are gone up the Ohio for their families, &c. ; 
and some returned by the way we came, to Virginia and 
elsewhere. These men, in the course of hunting pro- 
visions, lands, &c, are some of them constantly out, and 
scour the woods from the banks of the river near forty 
or fifty miles southward. On • the opposite side of the 
river, and north from us, about 40 miles, is a settlement 
on the crown lands, of about 19 persons; and lower 
down, towards the Ohio, on the same side, there are some 
other settlers, how many, or at what place, I can't ex- 
actly learn. There is also a party of about 10 or 12, 
with a surveyor, who is employed in searching through 
that country, and laying off officers' lands ; they have 
been more than three weeks within ten miles of us, and 
will be several weeks longer ranging up and down that 
country. Now, taking it for granted, that the Cherokees 
are our friends, which I most firmly believe, our situation 
exempts us from the first attempt or attack of any other 
Indians. Colonel Harrod, who governs the two first men- 
tioned settlements, (and is a very good man for our pur- 
pose), Colonel Floyd, (the surveyor), and myself, are under 
solemn engagements to communicate, with the utmost 
despatch, every piece of intelligence respecting danger 
or sign of Indians, to each other. In case of invasion of 
Indians, both the other parties are instantly to march and 
relieve the distressed, if possible. Add to this, that our 
country is so fertile, the growth of grass and herbage so 
tender and luxuriant that it is almost impossible for man 
35 



410 APPENDIX. 

or dog to travel, without leaving such sign that you might, 
for many days, gallop a horse on the trail. To be serious, 
it is impossible for any number of people to pass through 
the woods without being tracked, and of course discov- 
ered, if Indians, for our hunters all go on horseback, 
and could not be deceived if they were to come on the 
trace of footmen. From these circumstances, I think 
myself in a great measure secure against a formidable 
attack; and a few skulkers could only kill one or two, 
which would not much affect the interest of the company. 

Thus, gentlemen, you have heard both sides of the ques- 
tion, and can pretty well judge of the degree of danger 
we are in. Let your opinions be as they may on this 
point, by no means betray the least symptom of doubt to 
your most intimate friends. If help is ever wanting, it 
will be long before succour can come from you, and there- 
fore every expense of that kind superfluous and unneces- 
sary. If we can maintain our ground until after harvest 
in Virginia, I will undertake for ever after to defend the 
country against every nation of red people in the world, 
without calling on the company for even a gun-flint. 

Here I must beg the favor of your turning back with 
me to Powell's Valley. Our anxiety at that time is now 
of very little concern to you; but the impressions still re- 
main on my mind, and indeed I would not wish to get 
clear of them in a little time. It learnt me to make an 
estimate of the probable value of our country; to see the 
imminent danger of losing it forever, and presented me 
with a full view of the ridiculous figure we should cut in 
the world, in case of failure. With respect to the real 
consequence of such a disappointment, I could not so well 
judge for the company in general, as for myself, but 
thought it too serious an affair with respect to us all, to 
be tamely given up without the fire of a single gun, or 



APPENDIX. 411 

something like an attempt to take possession and defend 
our rights, so long, at least, as we should find our posts 
tenable. 

Though the danger Mr. Cocke exposed himself to in 
rendering this piece of service to the company, dwelt on 
me for some time, yet having despatched a messenger to 
Captain Boone was a matter of such consolation, that my 
burthen from that time was much lightened. We soon 
found, by his letters on the road, that he had a companion, 
and went on very well (a small stoppage by waters ex- 
cepted). On Thursday, the 20th April, found him with 
Captain Boone and his men at the place appointed, where 
he had related the history of his adventures, and come in 
for his share of applause; here it was that the whole load, 
as it were, dropped off my shoulders at once, and I ques- 
tioned if a happier creature was to be found under the 
sun. Why do I confine it to myself; it was general ; the 
people in the fort, as well as ourselves, down to an old 
weather-beaten negro, seemed equally to enjoy it. Indeed 
it was natural for us, after being one whole month, with- 
out intermission, traveling in a barren desert country, 
most of the way our horses packed beyond their strength; 
no part of the road tolerable, most of it either hilly, stony, 
slippery, miry, or bushy; our people jaded out and dis- 
pirited with fatigue, and what was worse, often pinched 
for victuals. To get clear of all this at once, was as much 
as we could well bear ; and though we had nothing here 
to refresh ourselves with, but cold water and lean buffalo 
beef, without bread, it certainly was the most joyous ban- 
quet I ever saw. Joy and festivity was in every coun- 
tenance, and that vile strumpet, envy, I believe, had not 
found her way into the country. 

By this time, gentlemen, I make no doubt but you 
would be glad that I would change my subject, and enter 



\ 



412 APPExXDIX. 

on something more interesting. You want a description 
of our country, soil, air, water, range, quantity of good 
land, disposition of the people here, what probability of 
keeping possession and availing ourselves of the purchase, 
how much money can be immediately raised towards de- 
fraying the first purchase, and, if any, overplus that will 
remain on hand for the use of the copartners, &c. &e. &c. 
These, sirs, are matters of the utmost importance, and 
many of them deserve your most serious attention. With 
respect to the country, Mr. Hart, who brings this, will 
give you ample satisfaction. All that I shall say about 
it is, that it far exceeds the idea which I had formed of 
it; and indeed it is not surprising, for it is not in the 
power of any person living to do justice to the fertility of 
the soil, beauty of the country, or excellence of its range; 
let it suffice, that we have got a country of good land, 
with numberless advantages and inducements to a speedy 
population; that this country is large enough, and surely 
will be settled immediately on some principles or other : 
the grand affair, on our part, is to manage matters so as 
to have our rights acknowledged, and continue lords of 
the soil. Every thing has succeeded to my wish with re- 
spect to title. The torrent from Virginia appears to be 
over, and gentlemen of considerable fortune, from thence, 
are some of them come, and others coming, with design 
to purchase under us, as they cannot come within the in- 
dulgences to adventurers of this season; and applications 
are daily making f&r the next year's price. Many of them 
are returned home, and would have been much dissatisfied, 
if I had not promised them, on my word and honor, that 
the terms should be immediately published in all the 
Williamsburg papers. 



APPENDIX. 413 

MEMORIAL OP THE TRANSYLVANIA COMPANY, COMMONLY 
CALLED RICHARD HENDERSON & CO. 

To the Honorable the Congress of the United States: 

The Memorial of Thomas Hart, of the State of Kentucky, 
John Williams, Leonard Henley Bullock, and James 
Hogg, of the State of North Carolina, sheweth, 

That in the fall of the year 1774, your Memorialists, in 
company with Richard Henderson, William Johnston, 
Nathaniel Hart, John Luttrell, and David Hart, all now 
deceased, entered into bargain with the Overhill Cherokee 
Indians, for a purchase of some of their lands; and agree- 
ably to preliminaries then agreed to, they, in March 1775, 
met at Watauga with the chiefs of the said Indians, at- 
tended by upwards of twelve hundred of their people; and 
then and there, in fair and open treaty, after several day's 
conference, and full discussion of every matter relating to 
the purchase, in presence of, and assisted by interpreters 
chosen by the said chiefs, and in consideration of a very 
large assortment of clothes and other goods, then deliver- 
ed by the said Company to the said chiefs, and by them 
divided among their people, they the said Company ob- 
tained from the said Indians two several deeds, signed by 
Okonistoto their king or chief warrior, Atakullakulla and 
Savonooko or Coronoh, the next in the nation to Okonis- 
toto in rank and consideration, for themselves, and on 
behalf, and with the warm approbation of the whole nation. 
These two grants comprehended, besides a great tract of 
land on the back of Virginia, a vast territory within the 
chartered limits of North Carolina, lying on the rivers of 
Holston, Clinch, Powel, and Cumberland, and their several 
branches, to the amount of many millions of acres. 



414 APPENDIX. 

This purchase from the aborigines and immemorial 
possessors of the said lands, being concluded more than a 
year before the Declaration of Independence, before the 
very existence of the Americans as States, or their claim 
to such lands, and not contrary to any then existing law 
of Great Britain or her Colonies, your memorialists and 
their copartners with confidence concluded that they had 
obtained a just, clear and indefeasible title to the said 
lands; and being then by the said Indians put into the 
actual possession of the said country, they immediately 
hired between two and three hundred men, and proceeded 
across their territory, to the river Kentucky, which with 
all its branches was comprehended in their purchase; and 
there about the 20th of April in the said year of 1775, 
began a settlement to which they gave the name of Boons- 
borough. The raising of necessary accommodations for 
their infant Colony, and building forts for their defence 
against the Shawanese and other hostile Indians, on the 
north-west of the Ohio, added much to the prime cost of 
their lands, and was attended with imminent risk and 
danger, and even with the massacre of some of the pro- 
prietors and several of their friends and followers. 

After thus possessing and defending their property at 
a vast expense, trouble and danger, for several years 
against the savages, the Company were much astonished 
to find that first the Assembly of Virginia, and some 
years afterwards, the Assembly of North Carolina, began 
to call in question the rights of the said Company. It 
would be to no purpose at this time, to trouble Congress 
with any thing relating to the negotiation of the said 
Company with the Assembly of Virginia, as the compen- 
sation in lands, made to them by that state, remains un- 
touched and unclaimed by any person or persons whatever 
against the Company, as far as has come to their know- 



APPENDIX. 415 

ledge. But the different fate of the lands granted them 
by the Assembly of North Carolina, makes some detail 
necessary. 

This Assembly, in their May session of 1782, enacted 
that a great part of the lands lying on the river Cumber- 
land and branches thereof, all within the said Company's 
purchase, should be laid off and reserved for the officers 
and soldiers of the North Carolina line, and soon there- 
after, opened a land office for the sale of their whole pur- 
chase. However, after repeated remonstrances, presented 
to them by the Company, the Assembly, by way of com- 
pensation for their trouble and expense, agreed that the j 
Company should retain 200,000 acres on the waters of ^ 
Powel and Clinch rivers, part of the Company's purchase, 
with the grant or guarantee of the state for the same. 
The Company felt themselves grossly aggrieved by being 
thus arbitrarily dealt with; but they saw no alternative: 
they had not power to do themselves justice; and there 
was then no tribunal to which they could appeal. One of 
the conditions of this grant or guarantee was, that it 
should be surveyed within a certain limited time. The 
Company, therefore, found it necessary to have the survey 
made within the time prescribed ; and though the Indians 
were then hostilely disposed, they ventured to depute one 
of their partuers with a surveyor, chain carriers and 
guards; but after incurring an expense of £300 and up- 
wards, the survey and plot were found defective, owing to 
the hurry in which the business was done. This misfor- 
tune obliged the Company to apply to the Assembly for 
further time to have a new survey. Time was accordingly 
given, and agreeably thereto, at the expense of £200 more 
and upwards, the survey was completed, and soon there- 
after conferred by the Assembly. 

But while these things were doing, the General Assem- 



416 APPENDIX. 

bly, in the year 1789, had ceded their western lands to 
the United States, and the United States in 1790, accepted 
this cession, on certain conditions, one of which was, that 
all entries made by, and grants made to, any persons 
within the limits ceded, should have the same force and 
effect as if the cession had not been made." Within this 
cession the whole of the Company's grant from the General 
Assembly was comprehended ; and though, in the opinion 
of the Company, it was a compensation very inadequate 
to their trouble and risk and expense, yet being now in 
possession of a State right as well as Indian right, they 
flattered themselves their title to it was beyond a cavil. 
They concluded it to be of considerable value; and as the 
Holston settlements were rapidly advancing around it, 
they were persuaded they could venture to form settle- 
ments on it, or at least dispose of it to advantage. They 
therefore had a bill of partition filed in the district court 
of Washington; and being now in view of a speedy par- 
tition and of receiving some small compensation for their 
great expenditures and trouble, they could not help being 
greatly astonished and extremely mortified, when they 
learnt that almost the whole of their grant from the As- 
sembly was ceded to the Cherokee Indians by the United 
States at the treaty of Holston, made on the day 

of 179 

Such a seizure and disposal of the property of citizens 
without any previous stipulation with the proprietors, nay 
without the least notice given them or any crime alleged 
against them, appeared to your Memorialists not only im- 
proper but unjust; but for the honor of the States, your 
Memorialists hope, that at the time this cession was made 
to the Indians, the government was not aware that such 
private property was comprehended in it. At any rate, 
if for political reasons, and for the interest of the States, 



APPENDIX. 417 

it was found expedient to make such a sacrifice of the 
rights of a private company, it is to be hoped that Con- 
gress will be disposed to make ample compensation. 

Twenty years have nearly elapsed since the Company 
made their purchase from the Indians. The expenses of 
this purchase from first to last have been great, and have 
been the means of reducing some of the Company to 
great difiiculties ; for, owing to the facts and circumstances 
above set forth, they have not to this day, been able to 
receive the smallest recompense. 

The injustice and oppression complained of are flagrant, 
and the facts and circumstances above set forth are noto- 
rious, at least they are well known to the Senators and 
Representatives in Congress from the state of North Caro- 
lina, and the deeds and other vouchers are ready to-be pro- 
duced. And that all difficulty and dispute may hereafter 
be done away, your memorialists are willing, upon receiv- 
ing proper compensation, to relinquish all claim to the 
lands purchased by them from the Indians within the 
chartered limits of North Carolina, an extensive territory 
now held by the United States in which the Indian claim 
was extinguished by fair purchase, at the expense of your 
Memorialists. Your Memorialists therefore, without fur- 
ther detail, beg leave to submit their case to the wisdom 
and justice of the Congress of the United States, and 
from them hope for speedy and ample redress. 

Your Memorialists have only further to request, that 
whatever compensation Congress may be pleased to give 
them, may be directed to be dealt out to your Memo- 
rialists and Company, and their representatives or assigns, 
respectively, in proportion to the share to which each is 
entitled by the copartnership. 

Signed for and in behalf of the Company, by 

Jno. Williams, Chairman. 

6th January, 1795. 



418 APPENDIX. 

" The War Belt." — The principal part of this legend 
was published some years ago, by an anonymous writer 
in a Pittsburgh newspaper, who gave the name of the 
late venerated Major Denny as his authority. We had 
heard something of the story before, though in a less au- 
thentic form ; and upon conversing with our distinguished 
friend, General Harrison, he not only confirmed, but cor- 
rected the writer as to the place where the treaty must 
have been held. It was not at Cincinnati, as was alleged, 
but at North Bend, that Clarke held the treaty referred 
to. The first military post was at the latter place, and it 
was there that Judge Symmes intended to establish his 
city; but accident, or the superior advantages of the site 
of Cincinnati, induced a number of persons to cluster 
about this spot, and the Fort was brought here. 

George Rogers Clarke was a remarkable man. He was 
one of the noblest of the sons of Virginia, so prolific in 
heroes and statesmen. His talents were of a high order, 
his military genius unsurpassed by that of any man of 
his age. He seems to have possessed a number of quali- 
fications that are but rarely combined in the character 
of one person, and a versatility not often found united 
with a sound judgment. To great quickness of percep- 
tion, and clearness of mind, Clarke added a solidity of 
judgment, a boldness of thought, and a vigor of action, 
that carried every thing before them. The boldness of 
his designs, the promptness of his decisions, the rapidity 
of his movements, surprised his friends as well as his 
enemies, inspiring fear on the one hand, and confidence 
on the other. It was remarked of him, that his actions 
always had the appearance of rashness, until the results 
were developed, and then they seemed to have been con- 
ceived in consummate prudence, and profound sagacity. 



APPENDIX, 419 

He was very successful in his military enterprises, some 
of which were brilliant. His campaign against Kaskas- 
kia and Vincennes has seldom been excelled ; there was a 
boldness, a completeness, a unity in the plan, a coolness 
and brilliancy in the execution, that would have done 
honor to the most accomplished leader. His appearance 
and manners were prepossessing and commanding. On 
ordinary occasions his address is said to have been dig- 
nified and winning, but in his moments of anger there 
was a sternness in his aspect that was terrific. Hence 
his sway over common minds, which were alternately al- 
lured by his cordiality, and overawed by his energy. 
Among the Indians his name was powerful. His rapid 
marches, and his successes in his campaigns against them, 
made him extensively known and feared, while those who 
approached him in friendship were won by his manners. 



An amusing anecdote is told illustrative of the times 
and the men. An Indian chief who had been in the hos- 
tile ranks, was in the habit after peace of visiting Clarke, 
and became much attached to him. Having both been 
active leaders in the then recent wars, their conversation 
naturally turned upon those events — the more especially 
as the native warrior's fund of conversational lore must 
have been very limited. On one occasion they amused 
themselves with a kind of friendly bragging over each 
other, in which each enumerated the victories of his own 
nation. Using the personal pronoun to designate their 
respective nations, the conversation ran thus: "I beat 
you at such a place." "I made you run at such a place." 
"I cut you to pieces at such a place." "That was very 
well done, but nothing to compare to the trick I played 
you at such a place." At length the Indian, in an ex- 
ulting manner referred to the lamentable massacre at the 



420 APPENDIX. 

Blue Lick, " I beat you there, badly, — you never gained 
such a victory as that." "No," replied Clarke, "perhaps 
we never did, but you won that by luck." And then 
rapidly describing the ground and the battle, which both 
of them were familiar with, though neither were in the 
engagement, he added, "Now suppose that instead of 
fighting you here, on the edge of the water, we had sent 
a party round here, and attacked you in this direction, 
what would have become of you?" The chief considered 
for a moment, and then acknowledged himself beaten. 
"I can't fight with you any more, General," said he. 
"You too much big captain for me." 



A.PPLEGATE & COMPANY, 



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trious of the earth." 



From the Ladies* Repository. 
" It is a better piece of property for a young man to 
own, than an eighty acre lot in the Mississippi Valley, or 
many hundred dollars in current money. We would 
rather leave it as a legacy to a son, had we to make the 
choice, than any moderate amount of property, if we were 
certain he would read it ; and, we are bound to add, that, 
were we now going to purchase a copy, this edition would 
have the preference over every other of which we have 
any knowledge." 



APPLEGATE & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS. 

NOTES ON THE TWENTY-FIVE ARTICLES OF RE 

LIGION, as received and taught by Methodists in the 

United States, 

In which the doctrines are carefully considered and 
supported by the testimony of the Holy Scriptures. By 
Rev. A. A. Jimeson, M. D. 12mo, embossed cloth. 

Thib book contains a clear exposition of the doctrines of 
the Articles, and of the errors against which the Articles 
were directed, written in a popular style, and divided into 
sections, for the purpose of presenting each doctrine and 
its opposite error in the most prominent manner. 

From Rev. John Miller. 
" It is a book for the Methodist and for the age — a re- 
ligious multum in parvo — combining sound theology with 
practical religion. It should be found in every Methodist 
family.' ■ 

From Rev, W. R. Babcock, Pastor of the Methodist Church in St 
Louis, Missouri. 
"From our intimate acquaintance with the gifted and 
pious Author of these ' Notes,' we anticipate a rich intel- 
lectual feast, and an able defense of the Biblical origin of 
the doctrines of the Articles of Religion, as contained in 
the Discipline of the Methodist Church." 



" The laymen of the Methodist Church have long need- 
ed this work. Although we regard the Twenty- Five Ar- 
ticles as self-evident truths — the concentrated teachings of 
the Holy Bible, and the bulwark of the Protestant Faith 
— they are not sufficiently understood and comprehended 
by those professing to believe them. Dr. Jimeson has 
furnished us, in a condensed form and popular style, with 
a lucid exposition and triumphant defense of our faith, 
sustained and supported by history and the opinions of 
the Fathers, and adapted to the present wants of the 
Church." 



APPLEGATE & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS. 

METHODISM EXPLAINED AND DEFENDED. 

By Rev. John S. Inskip. 12mo, embossed cloth. 

From the Herald and Journal. 
"We have read this book with no ordinary interest, 
and on the whole, rejoice in its appearance for several 
reasons — First, It is a concise and powerful defense of 
every essential feature of Methodism, now-a-days so much 
assailed by press and pulpit. Second, The general plan 
and character of the work are such, that it will be read 
and appreciated by the great masses of our people who 
are not familiar with more extended and elaborate works. 
Third, It is highly conservative and practical in its ten- 
dencies, and will eminently tend to create liberal views 
and mutual concession between the ministry and laity for 
the good of the whole — a feature in our economy never to 
be overlooked. Fourth, This work is not written to ad- 
vocate some local or neighborhood prejudice ; neither to 
confute some particular heresy or assault ; but its views 
are peculiarly denominational and comprehensive, indicat- 
ing the careful and wide observation of the author — free 
from bigotry and narrow prejudice." 

From the Springfield Republic: 
" We have read this new work of Rev. J. S. Inskip with 
great pleasure and profit. It in very truth explains and 
defends Methodism, and, as the introduction (written by 
another) says, 'its pages cover nearly the whole field of 
controversy in regard to the polity of the Methodist 
Church, and present a clear and canclid exposition of Me- 
thodism in a clear and systematic form, and highly argu- 
mentative style. It is a book for the times, and should be 
read by all who desire to become more intimately ac- 
quainted with the Methodist economy. It excels all other 
woTks of its class in the arrangement and judicious treat- 
ment of its subject.' It has evidently been written with 
great prudence and care in reference to the facts and evi- 
dences on which the arguments are predicated. This 
book will doubtless be of general service to the Church, 
and an instrument of great good." 



APPLEGATE & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS. 
PETERSON'S EAMILIAE SCIENCE; 

Or, the Scientific Explanation of Common Things. 

Edited by R. E. Peterson, Member of the Academy ot 
Natural Sciences, Philadelphia. 

From T. S. Arthur, Editor of the Home Gazette. 

"'Familiar Science, or the Scientific Explanation of 
Common Things,' is one of the most generally useful 
books that has lately been printed. This work, or a por- 
tion of it, came first from the pen of the Rev. Dr. Brewer, 
of Trinity Hall, Cambridge ; but, in the form it first ap- 
peared from the English press, it was not only unsuited to 
the American pupil, but very deficient in arrangement. 
These defects, the editor has sought to remedy. To give 
not only to the parent a ready means of answering inqui- 
ries, but to provide a good book for schools, is the object 
of this volume. About two thousand questions, on all 
subjects of general information, are answered in language 
so plain that all may understand it." 



From Wm. S. Clavenoer, Principal of Grammar School, Pkila. 

"The pages of 'Familiar Science* are its best recom- 
mendation. The common phenomena of life are treated 
of in a simple and intelligible manner, which renders it 
both pleasing and instructive. In the family circle, as a 
text book, it will form the basis of an hour's interesting 
conversation, and in the hands of the pupil, it will be a 
valuable aid in the acquisition of useful knowledge." 



From "Wm. Roberts, Principal of Ringwold School, Philadelphia. 

"Robert E. Peterson, Esq. — Dear Sir — I have been 
much gratified by an examination of your book, entitled 
• Familiar Science.' The cause of every day phenomena, 
such as evaporation, condensation, the formation of clouds, 
rain, dew, etc., are so familiarly explained, that all classes 
of persons may readily comprehend them, and I believe 
the book has only to be known to be appreciated by 
teachers." 



APPLEGATE & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS. 



SACRED LITERATURE OF THE LORD'S PRAYER. 

In which terms are defined, and the text carefully considered. 
12mo., cloth. 

" This is a volume of rare excellence, -written in the author's 
usual style of great beauty and elegance. It sparkles with gems 
of elevated thought, and abounds in the most happy illustrations 
of the great philosophical bearings of the several petitions of the 
Lord's Prayer, on the general system of Revealed Religion, while 
their philosophy is very forcibly applied to the various duties of 
practical Christianity. 

** The introductory chapter is a learned and patient research 
into the real origin and history of the use of this prayer, while 
the succeeding chapters can not fail both to instruct the head 
and improve the heart. We have not read a more interesting 
book for many years, and can most cordially recommend it to 
every lover of chaste theological literature." 

FARMER'S AND EMIGRANT'S BOOK. 

By Josiah T. Marshall, Author of " Emigrant's True Guide/' 
12mo., cloth, 500 pages. 

The publishers are gratified that they are enabled to satisfy the 
universal demand for a volume which comprises a mass of su- 
perior material, derived from the most authentic sources and 
protracted research. 

The contents of the " Farmer's and Emigrant's Hand-Book " can 
be accurately known and duly estimated only by a recurrence to 
the Index of Subjects, which occupies twenty-four columns, com- 
prising about fifteen hundred different points of information 
respecting the management of a Farm, from the first purchase and 
clearing of the land to all its extensive details and departments. 
The necessary conveniences, the household economy, the care of 
the animals, the preservation of domestic health, the cultivation of 
fruits with the science and taste of the arborist, and the produc- 
tion of the most advantageous articles for sale, are all displayed 
in a plain, instructive, and most satisfactory manner; adapted 
peculiarly to the classes of citizens for whose use and benefit the 
Work is specially designed. Besides a general outline of the 
Constitution, with the Naturalization and Pre-emption Laws of 
the United States, there is appended a Miscellany of 120 pages, 
including a rich variety of advice, hints, and rules, the study and 
knowledge of which will unspeakably promote both the comfort 
and welfare of all who adopt and practice them. 

The publishers are assured that the commendations which the 
"Farmer's and Emigrant's Hand-Book" has received, are fully 
merited : and they respectfully submit the work to Agriculturists, 
in the full conviction that the Farmer or the Emigrant, in any 
part of the country, will derive numberless blessings and im- 
provements from his acquaintance with Mr. Marshall's manual. 



LBAg'06 



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